Page 1 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 1 of 4 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large
Extra Large
Full Size
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
■ a *k n • VOL. XXIIL GREENSBOROUGH, N. G, MAY 7, 1861. NO. 1,138. (t\t (Bmnsbarongjj patriot. PUBLISHED SEMI-WEEKLY, BY SHKKWOOT) & L O NO, EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. TERMS: *2.0* A YEAR, IX ADVANCE. collectively and not individually. An Union of the States, containing such ingredients, seemed to provide lor its own destruction.— The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an in-fliction of punishment; and would probably be considered by the party attacked as disso-i lution of all previous compacts by which it I might be bound." RATES OF ADVERTISING IN THE PATRIOT. 'General Hamilton, speaking or. the same subiect, said : "Bat how can tois force beex- 0» dollar per square IgteM week »dimi£.. / d h gu collective^ ? It is ito-five cents fur every week thereafter, LWIHB I.IM.> OB Lias making a square. Deductions made in favor of standing matter as follows: 3 MONTHS. 6 MONTHS. 1 TEAK One square, $C 50 5-0 50 &S 00 Two siuares, ? 00 10 00 14 00 Three « 1000 1500 20 00 Governor Ellis'* Message. To the Honorable, the General Assembly of North Carolina. The safety and welfare of the State, in my judgment, demanded that you should bo convened at this unusual period. At the time of your adjournment, six of the States had, in the most solemn manner known to our institutions, withdrawn them-selves from the Federal Union and establish-ed a Confederate Government, able and de-termined to main', .in it"? independence. Whatever difference cf opinion may bave existed as to the wi&Jom of the successive steps taken by those State 1, it wf* generally conceded in North Carolina that tney could not rightfully be constrained by force to re-main in the Union. You wco greatly divided in opinion as to the right of a State to secede from the Union, and also as to the expediency of exercising the right at that time, admitting it to exist; but all admitted that if conciliatory measures should fail to restore the scc3ding States to the Union, thev should be pormiued to with-1 draw in peace. Probably not one of your | number ever believed that the Federal Oov- \ ern *ent would ever be guilty of the wick-edness of drawing the sword without having first tendered the olive branch. The right now asserted by the constituted authorities of that government, to use a mil- j itary force for the purpose ofcoercing a State to remain in the Union against its will, finds no warrant in the Constitution, and still less in the principles on which all our Republi-can ins•itutions ?-e bavd. Ours is a Government of the popular will, and not of force. In its Consuuceion the consent of the governed was substituted for the rule of the s.vord—the former being re-garded as the "vital principle of republics," and the latier as " the immediate parent of despotism." As our fathers !oved Iberty and hated tyranny, they selected that power of government which conserves iho one, and re-jected that which, sooner or later, never fails to produce the other. Upon this principle our State Government! were formed—each a compleie and sovereign republic within itself j and in associating themselves in a Federal UniCii they ilid not surrender it, for such would have been a sur-render of their right of self-government.— This theory of our Government precludes the idea of an authority vesfd in the federal head to coerce, by force of arms, a St ito act-ing in its sovereign capacity. More explicit evidence of the intent of the framers of the Constitution is furnished by tho journals and proceedings cf the Conven-tion. This evidetice cannot bo kept too prom-inently in view, as it illustrates the character of our Confederacy, and furnishes a safe guide for the performance of public duly. Two distinct propositions were made in tlie Convention to confer upon the Federal Gov-ernment power to C03rce a StUe. Tho first was a proposition to confer upon the .National Legialature the power "tocsll forth the force of the Union against any mem-ber of the Union failing to perform its duty un-der the articles thereof." The second was in thcpe word* : " If any State or any body of men in any State shall op-pose or prevent the carrying into execution such acts or treaties, the Federal Executive shall bt authorize i to call forth the power •/ the Confed-erate States, or as much threof as may be neces-sary to e.nfurec and compel an obedience to such acts or an observance of such treaties.' All the members who spoke upon these propositions spoke against them, and all, in-cluding their movers, voted against them. The sentiments thon expressed by the iwo leading minds of the Convention, repre-senting the two opposing classes ot political opinions which divided it, leave nothing to doubt as to the true interpretation of its ac-tion. Mr. Madison observed, "that the more ho reflected on the use of force, the more he doubted the practicability, the justice and the efficiency of it, when applied to peoplo possible. It amounts to a v>ar between the ! parties. Foreign powers also will not be idle spectators. They will interpose. The confusion will increase and a dissolution of tho Union will ensue.'' Again, illustrating, j by an historical example, the consequences of an exercise of such a power by aConfeder-' ated Government, he said : 'Its decrees were signals of war.? The Declaration of Independence had dis-tinctly declared : " That wherever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, (the se-! curity of their rights.) it is tho right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti-tute a new government, laying its toundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shell seem most like- ' ly.to effect their safety end happiness." And to have given to the Federal Government power to compel the organized communities oFStates to remain under the Government I against their will, would have been to give to j it a power which the Declaration of Inde- j pendence'bad declared conld not be possessed i by any Government whatever. Hence we are not surprised to find that the proposal to confer such a power had no advocate in the Convention. After a Government had been organized j one of the earliest, as it was undoubtedly one of the most important and delicate duties de- j volving on Congress, was to furnish the Presi-1 dent with the powers necessary to enable him to " take care that the laws be faithfully exe-; cuted," and to pass such laws as might be | necessary to " provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup-press insurrection and repel invasion." Accordingly we find that as early as 1793 a law was passed for the purpose. It having been found defective, it was superseded by j the act of 28th of Fobuary, 1795, which, I without addition or amendment, has remain-ed the law on tho subject down to tho preset t time : enacted by a Congress, which, to a : large extent, was composed of the individ-• UP. Is who had resisted in firming the Consti-tution, it is the best interpreter of the general I language used in that instrument; and from the day of its passage down 10 the 4ih of March, of the present year, no President has ever construed it as g'ving him power to use \ military fore? except as a posse comitotus. or j otherwise in aid of civil process. Ours being a government of law and not a military des- j potism, no other construction could be placed ! upon that act. When in 1803, the State of ! South Carolina forbade the execution of the ! Tariff law within her limits, the act of 1795 ! was in force precisely as it is to-day; but' President Jackson knowing that the act only | authorized tho use of tho military force in j aid of civil process, and that there would be no courts in South-Carolina to issae process, | called upon Congress for additional powers, j and tbit body enacted what has been famil-iarly known as the "Force Bill." That act was in my opinion violative of the Constitu-tion but no attpmet was ever made to exer-cise the powers conferred by it, and it expired by its own limitation, in 1834. The political friend3 of the present Administration, well knowing that there was no law on the statute bcok under which tho President could use military force in the States from which the Federal Judges, Marshals, and other civil of-ficers had bem expelled, urged Congress at its last eesiion to enact laws conferring on him such authority. Tho Journals of that body will show that bills for the purpose were pressed with the utmost pertinacity, and also that they were not enacted into laws. He usurped the coveted powers which Con-gress has refused to confer on him, and whilst Commissioners from the Confederate States were at the seat of government urging a peaceful settlement of all questions in dispute and striving to avert from the country the the calamities of civil war—whilst the people were being deluded by daily protestations from the President of his firm purpose to pre-serve the peace, and we were in momentary expectation of hearing that Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, had been evacuated, a se-cret expedition was fitted out and stealthily dispatched to commence tho war, by an at-tempt to throw reinforcements into that for-tification. To high criminality in involving the country in civil war, was added base per-fidy in exciting the hopes and expectations I timely and important aid rendered me by to be dashed at the moment of fruition. ! the Governors of Virginia and Sonth-Caroh- Having thus commenced the war, the j na towards pacing oi:r fortifications on the President, on pretence that the act of 1795 ] sea coast in a defencible condition. I cheer-confers on him power to do so, issued aProc- i fully reciprocated thit; favor to the extent of lamation calling on tho States to rurnish sev-! my ability by sending to the Governor of enty-five thousand men for carrying it on, and : Virginia a portion of the arms in our posses-thc Secretary of War officially informed me j lien and which could eonviently be spared, that North-Carolina was expected to furnish j The Northern Government is now concen- I two Regiments to aid the North in subjugat- trating a large force in the District of Co- 1 ing her sister States—we might with propri- lumbia, ostensibly to protecf the peat of Gov- ! ety say of some of them her daughters—of: ernmeat, but such a force cannot bo allowed j the South. 1 promptly replied to that func- to remain within the limits of Maryland and tionary that " 1 regard a levy of troops for on the borders of Virginia, without seriously tho purpose of subjugating the States of the ! endangering tholibert;esof the poople of those South as in violation of the Laws of the eoun- States. If they bo cooouered and overrun, try, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people, you can ge: no troops from North-Carolina. The outburst of indignation with which tho Proclamation of the President has been re-ceived by all the citizens of tho Slate, con-vinces me that I did not mistake tho people whose Chief Magistrate I am. The alacrity with which they have sprung to arms, out- Stripping the slow forms of law and enabling me to assemble an army from the plough and the workshop in less time that it has required to convene the General Assembly is proof that long years of peace and order have only made more dear to them their rights and lib-erties and have not in the least impaired their readiness and their ability to defend them. Utder the advice of the Council of State I have established at the seat of Government a Camp of Instruction, to which I have ordered such troops as are ready for servico and are not needed for the protection of the seaboard. A usurper who had already seized the sword without authority of law and was us-ing it against his own countrymen, could not with safety to the State be allowed to es-tablish himself in the strongholds and forti-fied places within our limits. I, therefore, in discharge of a plain obligation devolving on me as Governor of the State, and in virtue cf the powers veslod in me as Governor and Captain General and Commander in Chief of the militia, lost no time in taking possession, in the name of the State, of the Forts, Arsc-hey North Carolina will become tho next prey to the invaders. Policy then, as well as sympa-thy and feeiingof brotherhood,engendered by a common interest, requires us to exert our energies in tho defense of Maryland and Vir-ginia. Every battle fought there will be a battle fought in behalf of North Carolina, and there our troops should be speedily sent. Thero can be no doubt that the peoplo of our State are now fully united as to the poli-cy to be pursued with reference to the future Northern Government. It is a settled con-viction of tho public mind that the time has arrived when we must separate Iron t'»e peo-ple of that section oftb a country. They hs^o promised to partition our property and the earnings of our people among tiieir mercenary suldieitj after our subjugation shall In "o been effected. Even those among them wno pro-fessed to be our friends are now most zealous in this wicked crusade against us. All fra-ternity of feeling is losi between us and them. Thero must be a separation at onc« and forever. With the view, thei afore, of the secession of North Carolina f;on the Northern Gov-ernment and her Union with tho Confed-erate States, at as earlv a period as practica-ble, 1 would respectfully recommend that a Convention of the people be called with full and final powers. The powers of the Con-vention should be full, because the sove/oign-ty of the people must bo frequently resorted to during the war; and it, ther< 'ore becomes Dais and other property of the Federal Gov- j necessary .that it should be ten? lorarlly re-ernment within the State, and they are now posed in the Convention. The action o( the held under my orders by adequate garrisons. 1 will in due time lay before yea a state-ment of the property thus taken into posses-sion as reports can be prepared by tho proper departments. Experience havo brought to light radical defects in the laws for the organization of ttie miliiary forces of iho State, 1 invite your eaiiy altention to t! e subject. It is believed that the legislation of your late session, has not materially iaiproved our military system; and J have no hesitation in expiessing the opinion that the existing laws are wholy in-adequate to tho emergency that is upon us. Convention should be final, becat^o of the importance of a speedy separation from the Northern Government, and tho well known fact that upon this point our peoplo are as a unit. I cannot close this communication without congratulating you upon tho harmony offeel-ing and of purpose now existing among the peoplo in every part of North Carolina. No sooner was it seen that our liberties were menaced by the usurper, than all parly feuds were forgotten, and the patriotic fires that burned in tbe bosom of our ancestors were re-kindled in the breath of their descendants. I forbear making suggestions in detail upon The hearts of the people everywhere are pro-this subject, and will content myself merely \ pared fo: tho contest before PS. Let us *fer-with remarking the that, military regulations \ vently implore Almigiity God, that united of other countrie , especially those renowned j counsels and an harmony of purposes may for achievements in arms, should not be lost | prevail among us, that we may be enabled to sight of in the trying necessity by which we are surrounded. Tho efficiency of this branch of the public service requires, in my opinion, a thorough revision and modification of exis-ting legislation on the subject. 1 would respectfully recommend the rais-ing and organization of ton regiments to serve during the war, and that appropriate bounties be offered to all pei oons thus enlist-ing. Of the sum of three hundred thousand dol-lars appropriated at your late session for arming the State, I have expended $35,320.25 —which amount will be increased by out-standing contracts to the further sum of $25,- OOOcr thereabouts. The Stato being at present provided with arms 1 would recommend that the remainder of this appropriation be directed to the pre-paration of munitions of war and the manu-facture of arms that may be hereafter needed. The Arsenal at Fayeiteville is in all respects a suitable location lor the prose-cution cf such works. Our seaboard defences ate of the utmost importance and have engaged a large share of the attention of this department. Specific plans for the construction of new works and making good our defence in that quarter will with more propriety be laid before the proper committees of your body. An expenditure has been made for various purposes, connected with the "defence of tho State, the details and amount of which will be communicated to you by^the proper officers. A portion of it has been advanced by private individuals and a portion remains unpaid. Adequate means should bo provi-ded to meet this expenditure and also to en-able the State to carry on the war in defense of its rights and liberties. It gives me pleasure to acknowledge the preserve the blessing of liberty that we have inherited from out fathers. JOHy W. ELLIS. Nogroes Volunteering. About fifty three negroes in Amelia coun--*! ty have offered themslves to tho Govern-ment for any service. In our neighboring city of Petersburg two hundred free negroes offered for any work that might bo assigned to them, either to fight under white officers, dig ditches, or any-thing that could show their desiro to asrve Old Virginia. In the same city, a negro hackraan came to bis master, and insisted, with tears in his eyes, that he should accept alt his savings, $100, to help equip the volun-teers.— The free negroes of Chesterfield hare made a similar proposition. Such is the spirit among bond and free, through the whole of tho State. The fools and scoundrels who calculate on a different stato of thin^s.will 60on discover their mistako.—Dispatch. Resignation of Major Winder.—Brevet Lt. Co!. John Winder of Maryland, an old and distinguished artillery officer has resigned his Eosition in the service. Major Winder is well nown throughout this part of North Caroli-na and his friends will rejoice to hear of his resignation. The last Standard says: " We are requested by the Adjutant Gen-eral to state that the Medical Board for the examination of applicants for Surgeons in the army, will assemble in this place on \ht tenth of May, instead of the sixth, as heretofore an-nounced." . »■ •
Object Description
Rating | |
Title | The Greensborough patriot [May 7, 1861] |
Date | 1861-05-07 |
Editor(s) |
Sherwood, M.S. Long, James A. |
Subject headings | Greensboro (N.C.)--Newspapers |
Place | Greensboro (N.C.) |
Description | The May 7, 1861, issue of The Greensborough Patriot, a newspaper published in Greensboro, N.C., by M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long. |
Type | Text |
Original format | Greensborough [i.e. Greensboro], N.C. : Newspapers |
Original publisher | M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long |
Language | eng |
Contributing institution | UNCG University Libraries |
Newspaper name | The Greensborough Patriot |
Rights statement | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/ |
Additional rights information | NO COPYRIGHT - UNITED STATES. This item has been determined to be free of copyright restrictions in the United States. The user is responsible for determining actual copyright status for any reuse of the material. |
Object ID | patriot-1861-05-07 |
Digital publisher | The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, University Libraries, PO Box 26170, Greensboro NC 27402-6170, 336.334.5304 |
Digitized by | Creekside Media |
Sponsor | Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation |
OCLC number | 871562149 |
Page/Item Description
Title | Page 1 |
Full text | ■ a *k n • VOL. XXIIL GREENSBOROUGH, N. G, MAY 7, 1861. NO. 1,138. (t\t (Bmnsbarongjj patriot. PUBLISHED SEMI-WEEKLY, BY SHKKWOOT) & L O NO, EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. TERMS: *2.0* A YEAR, IX ADVANCE. collectively and not individually. An Union of the States, containing such ingredients, seemed to provide lor its own destruction.— The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an in-fliction of punishment; and would probably be considered by the party attacked as disso-i lution of all previous compacts by which it I might be bound." RATES OF ADVERTISING IN THE PATRIOT. 'General Hamilton, speaking or. the same subiect, said : "Bat how can tois force beex- 0» dollar per square IgteM week »dimi£.. / d h gu collective^ ? It is ito-five cents fur every week thereafter, LWIHB I.IM.> OB Lias making a square. Deductions made in favor of standing matter as follows: 3 MONTHS. 6 MONTHS. 1 TEAK One square, $C 50 5-0 50 &S 00 Two siuares, ? 00 10 00 14 00 Three « 1000 1500 20 00 Governor Ellis'* Message. To the Honorable, the General Assembly of North Carolina. The safety and welfare of the State, in my judgment, demanded that you should bo convened at this unusual period. At the time of your adjournment, six of the States had, in the most solemn manner known to our institutions, withdrawn them-selves from the Federal Union and establish-ed a Confederate Government, able and de-termined to main', .in it"? independence. Whatever difference cf opinion may bave existed as to the wi&Jom of the successive steps taken by those State 1, it wf* generally conceded in North Carolina that tney could not rightfully be constrained by force to re-main in the Union. You wco greatly divided in opinion as to the right of a State to secede from the Union, and also as to the expediency of exercising the right at that time, admitting it to exist; but all admitted that if conciliatory measures should fail to restore the scc3ding States to the Union, thev should be pormiued to with-1 draw in peace. Probably not one of your | number ever believed that the Federal Oov- \ ern *ent would ever be guilty of the wick-edness of drawing the sword without having first tendered the olive branch. The right now asserted by the constituted authorities of that government, to use a mil- j itary force for the purpose ofcoercing a State to remain in the Union against its will, finds no warrant in the Constitution, and still less in the principles on which all our Republi-can ins•itutions ?-e bavd. Ours is a Government of the popular will, and not of force. In its Consuuceion the consent of the governed was substituted for the rule of the s.vord—the former being re-garded as the "vital principle of republics," and the latier as " the immediate parent of despotism." As our fathers !oved Iberty and hated tyranny, they selected that power of government which conserves iho one, and re-jected that which, sooner or later, never fails to produce the other. Upon this principle our State Government! were formed—each a compleie and sovereign republic within itself j and in associating themselves in a Federal UniCii they ilid not surrender it, for such would have been a sur-render of their right of self-government.— This theory of our Government precludes the idea of an authority vesfd in the federal head to coerce, by force of arms, a St ito act-ing in its sovereign capacity. More explicit evidence of the intent of the framers of the Constitution is furnished by tho journals and proceedings cf the Conven-tion. This evidetice cannot bo kept too prom-inently in view, as it illustrates the character of our Confederacy, and furnishes a safe guide for the performance of public duly. Two distinct propositions were made in tlie Convention to confer upon the Federal Gov-ernment power to C03rce a StUe. Tho first was a proposition to confer upon the .National Legialature the power "tocsll forth the force of the Union against any mem-ber of the Union failing to perform its duty un-der the articles thereof." The second was in thcpe word* : " If any State or any body of men in any State shall op-pose or prevent the carrying into execution such acts or treaties, the Federal Executive shall bt authorize i to call forth the power •/ the Confed-erate States, or as much threof as may be neces-sary to e.nfurec and compel an obedience to such acts or an observance of such treaties.' All the members who spoke upon these propositions spoke against them, and all, in-cluding their movers, voted against them. The sentiments thon expressed by the iwo leading minds of the Convention, repre-senting the two opposing classes ot political opinions which divided it, leave nothing to doubt as to the true interpretation of its ac-tion. Mr. Madison observed, "that the more ho reflected on the use of force, the more he doubted the practicability, the justice and the efficiency of it, when applied to peoplo possible. It amounts to a v>ar between the ! parties. Foreign powers also will not be idle spectators. They will interpose. The confusion will increase and a dissolution of tho Union will ensue.'' Again, illustrating, j by an historical example, the consequences of an exercise of such a power by aConfeder-' ated Government, he said : 'Its decrees were signals of war.? The Declaration of Independence had dis-tinctly declared : " That wherever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, (the se-! curity of their rights.) it is tho right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti-tute a new government, laying its toundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shell seem most like- ' ly.to effect their safety end happiness." And to have given to the Federal Government power to compel the organized communities oFStates to remain under the Government I against their will, would have been to give to j it a power which the Declaration of Inde- j pendence'bad declared conld not be possessed i by any Government whatever. Hence we are not surprised to find that the proposal to confer such a power had no advocate in the Convention. After a Government had been organized j one of the earliest, as it was undoubtedly one of the most important and delicate duties de- j volving on Congress, was to furnish the Presi-1 dent with the powers necessary to enable him to " take care that the laws be faithfully exe-; cuted," and to pass such laws as might be | necessary to " provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup-press insurrection and repel invasion." Accordingly we find that as early as 1793 a law was passed for the purpose. It having been found defective, it was superseded by j the act of 28th of Fobuary, 1795, which, I without addition or amendment, has remain-ed the law on tho subject down to tho preset t time : enacted by a Congress, which, to a : large extent, was composed of the individ-• UP. Is who had resisted in firming the Consti-tution, it is the best interpreter of the general I language used in that instrument; and from the day of its passage down 10 the 4ih of March, of the present year, no President has ever construed it as g'ving him power to use \ military fore? except as a posse comitotus. or j otherwise in aid of civil process. Ours being a government of law and not a military des- j potism, no other construction could be placed ! upon that act. When in 1803, the State of ! South Carolina forbade the execution of the ! Tariff law within her limits, the act of 1795 ! was in force precisely as it is to-day; but' President Jackson knowing that the act only | authorized tho use of tho military force in j aid of civil process, and that there would be no courts in South-Carolina to issae process, | called upon Congress for additional powers, j and tbit body enacted what has been famil-iarly known as the "Force Bill." That act was in my opinion violative of the Constitu-tion but no attpmet was ever made to exer-cise the powers conferred by it, and it expired by its own limitation, in 1834. The political friend3 of the present Administration, well knowing that there was no law on the statute bcok under which tho President could use military force in the States from which the Federal Judges, Marshals, and other civil of-ficers had bem expelled, urged Congress at its last eesiion to enact laws conferring on him such authority. Tho Journals of that body will show that bills for the purpose were pressed with the utmost pertinacity, and also that they were not enacted into laws. He usurped the coveted powers which Con-gress has refused to confer on him, and whilst Commissioners from the Confederate States were at the seat of government urging a peaceful settlement of all questions in dispute and striving to avert from the country the the calamities of civil war—whilst the people were being deluded by daily protestations from the President of his firm purpose to pre-serve the peace, and we were in momentary expectation of hearing that Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, had been evacuated, a se-cret expedition was fitted out and stealthily dispatched to commence tho war, by an at-tempt to throw reinforcements into that for-tification. To high criminality in involving the country in civil war, was added base per-fidy in exciting the hopes and expectations I timely and important aid rendered me by to be dashed at the moment of fruition. ! the Governors of Virginia and Sonth-Caroh- Having thus commenced the war, the j na towards pacing oi:r fortifications on the President, on pretence that the act of 1795 ] sea coast in a defencible condition. I cheer-confers on him power to do so, issued aProc- i fully reciprocated thit; favor to the extent of lamation calling on tho States to rurnish sev-! my ability by sending to the Governor of enty-five thousand men for carrying it on, and : Virginia a portion of the arms in our posses-thc Secretary of War officially informed me j lien and which could eonviently be spared, that North-Carolina was expected to furnish j The Northern Government is now concen- I two Regiments to aid the North in subjugat- trating a large force in the District of Co- 1 ing her sister States—we might with propri- lumbia, ostensibly to protecf the peat of Gov- ! ety say of some of them her daughters—of: ernmeat, but such a force cannot bo allowed j the South. 1 promptly replied to that func- to remain within the limits of Maryland and tionary that " 1 regard a levy of troops for on the borders of Virginia, without seriously tho purpose of subjugating the States of the ! endangering tholibert;esof the poople of those South as in violation of the Laws of the eoun- States. If they bo cooouered and overrun, try, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people, you can ge: no troops from North-Carolina. The outburst of indignation with which tho Proclamation of the President has been re-ceived by all the citizens of tho Slate, con-vinces me that I did not mistake tho people whose Chief Magistrate I am. The alacrity with which they have sprung to arms, out- Stripping the slow forms of law and enabling me to assemble an army from the plough and the workshop in less time that it has required to convene the General Assembly is proof that long years of peace and order have only made more dear to them their rights and lib-erties and have not in the least impaired their readiness and their ability to defend them. Utder the advice of the Council of State I have established at the seat of Government a Camp of Instruction, to which I have ordered such troops as are ready for servico and are not needed for the protection of the seaboard. A usurper who had already seized the sword without authority of law and was us-ing it against his own countrymen, could not with safety to the State be allowed to es-tablish himself in the strongholds and forti-fied places within our limits. I, therefore, in discharge of a plain obligation devolving on me as Governor of the State, and in virtue cf the powers veslod in me as Governor and Captain General and Commander in Chief of the militia, lost no time in taking possession, in the name of the State, of the Forts, Arsc-hey North Carolina will become tho next prey to the invaders. Policy then, as well as sympa-thy and feeiingof brotherhood,engendered by a common interest, requires us to exert our energies in tho defense of Maryland and Vir-ginia. Every battle fought there will be a battle fought in behalf of North Carolina, and there our troops should be speedily sent. Thero can be no doubt that the peoplo of our State are now fully united as to the poli-cy to be pursued with reference to the future Northern Government. It is a settled con-viction of tho public mind that the time has arrived when we must separate Iron t'»e peo-ple of that section oftb a country. They hs^o promised to partition our property and the earnings of our people among tiieir mercenary suldieitj after our subjugation shall In "o been effected. Even those among them wno pro-fessed to be our friends are now most zealous in this wicked crusade against us. All fra-ternity of feeling is losi between us and them. Thero must be a separation at onc« and forever. With the view, thei afore, of the secession of North Carolina f;on the Northern Gov-ernment and her Union with tho Confed-erate States, at as earlv a period as practica-ble, 1 would respectfully recommend that a Convention of the people be called with full and final powers. The powers of the Con-vention should be full, because the sove/oign-ty of the people must bo frequently resorted to during the war; and it, ther< 'ore becomes Dais and other property of the Federal Gov- j necessary .that it should be ten? lorarlly re-ernment within the State, and they are now posed in the Convention. The action o( the held under my orders by adequate garrisons. 1 will in due time lay before yea a state-ment of the property thus taken into posses-sion as reports can be prepared by tho proper departments. Experience havo brought to light radical defects in the laws for the organization of ttie miliiary forces of iho State, 1 invite your eaiiy altention to t! e subject. It is believed that the legislation of your late session, has not materially iaiproved our military system; and J have no hesitation in expiessing the opinion that the existing laws are wholy in-adequate to tho emergency that is upon us. Convention should be final, becat^o of the importance of a speedy separation from the Northern Government, and tho well known fact that upon this point our peoplo are as a unit. I cannot close this communication without congratulating you upon tho harmony offeel-ing and of purpose now existing among the peoplo in every part of North Carolina. No sooner was it seen that our liberties were menaced by the usurper, than all parly feuds were forgotten, and the patriotic fires that burned in tbe bosom of our ancestors were re-kindled in the breath of their descendants. I forbear making suggestions in detail upon The hearts of the people everywhere are pro-this subject, and will content myself merely \ pared fo: tho contest before PS. Let us *fer-with remarking the that, military regulations \ vently implore Almigiity God, that united of other countrie , especially those renowned j counsels and an harmony of purposes may for achievements in arms, should not be lost | prevail among us, that we may be enabled to sight of in the trying necessity by which we are surrounded. Tho efficiency of this branch of the public service requires, in my opinion, a thorough revision and modification of exis-ting legislation on the subject. 1 would respectfully recommend the rais-ing and organization of ton regiments to serve during the war, and that appropriate bounties be offered to all pei oons thus enlist-ing. Of the sum of three hundred thousand dol-lars appropriated at your late session for arming the State, I have expended $35,320.25 —which amount will be increased by out-standing contracts to the further sum of $25,- OOOcr thereabouts. The Stato being at present provided with arms 1 would recommend that the remainder of this appropriation be directed to the pre-paration of munitions of war and the manu-facture of arms that may be hereafter needed. The Arsenal at Fayeiteville is in all respects a suitable location lor the prose-cution cf such works. Our seaboard defences ate of the utmost importance and have engaged a large share of the attention of this department. Specific plans for the construction of new works and making good our defence in that quarter will with more propriety be laid before the proper committees of your body. An expenditure has been made for various purposes, connected with the "defence of tho State, the details and amount of which will be communicated to you by^the proper officers. A portion of it has been advanced by private individuals and a portion remains unpaid. Adequate means should bo provi-ded to meet this expenditure and also to en-able the State to carry on the war in defense of its rights and liberties. It gives me pleasure to acknowledge the preserve the blessing of liberty that we have inherited from out fathers. JOHy W. ELLIS. Nogroes Volunteering. About fifty three negroes in Amelia coun--*! ty have offered themslves to tho Govern-ment for any service. In our neighboring city of Petersburg two hundred free negroes offered for any work that might bo assigned to them, either to fight under white officers, dig ditches, or any-thing that could show their desiro to asrve Old Virginia. In the same city, a negro hackraan came to bis master, and insisted, with tears in his eyes, that he should accept alt his savings, $100, to help equip the volun-teers.— The free negroes of Chesterfield hare made a similar proposition. Such is the spirit among bond and free, through the whole of tho State. The fools and scoundrels who calculate on a different stato of thin^s.will 60on discover their mistako.—Dispatch. Resignation of Major Winder.—Brevet Lt. Co!. John Winder of Maryland, an old and distinguished artillery officer has resigned his Eosition in the service. Major Winder is well nown throughout this part of North Caroli-na and his friends will rejoice to hear of his resignation. The last Standard says: " We are requested by the Adjutant Gen-eral to state that the Medical Board for the examination of applicants for Surgeons in the army, will assemble in this place on \ht tenth of May, instead of the sixth, as heretofore an-nounced." . »■ • |
Tags
Comments
Post a Comment for Page 1