The Greensborough patriot [December 6, 1860]

              BY SHERWOOD & LONG.
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VOL. XXII GEEENSBOEOTJGH N. C, DECEMBEE 6, I860. NO. 1,116.
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Tlic Crccnsborough Patriot.
»OOD. JAMSS A. LONG.
SH 1. HWOOI) & LONG,
Ki'IT'iBS AND PROPRIETORS.
r|RHS: V200 4. YEAR. IX ADTASCE.
HIIIS OF ADVKRTISiMi IS THE PATRIOT.
»r per square fur tlie first week, and twenty-ev
«i v week thereafter. TV7ELVB LINKS OB.
_• i -niare Deductions made in favor of
itter as follows:
3 MONTH*. 6 MONTHS. 1 TKAB
$8 SO $5 50 $8 00
7 00 1000 1400
., in 00 15 00 liO 00
cratic parly in their StateH. Mr. Lincoln cannot ap-point
an officer without the consent of the Senate—he
cannot form a Cabim t without the same consent. He
will be in the condition of George ihe Third, (the em-bodiment
of Toryism,) who bad to ask the Whigs to ap-point
his Ministers, and was compelled to receive a
Cabinet utterly opposed to his views. And so Mr. Lin-coln
will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose
for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose
to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do
this or let the Government stop, if the National Demo-cratic
men, (for that is their name at the North,) the
......
t, Result and Feeling in Kentuc-ky.
Louisville, November 19, 1860.
'itors: The combined vote for Mr
Mr. Douglas over that for Mr. Brec-
- about Forty thousand, and Mr.
.■• -r Mi. Breckinridge's fourteen to tif-ismnd.
So his Kentucky Iriendn
L-luily su'nmit to the fact, of Mr. Lincoln's
,and also entreat the Cotton States,
firaru lor theirown and the border slave
- iitcrest" for the welfare, and peaee, of
. and for the opinion and good will
i . ilized world, likewise to submit
; 10 exercise, prudence deliberation.
| moderation; to count the co-t and pon
e consequences ol secession; "not pre-
. ' but "wait to see ' what President
n.ay do. Gov. MagofBn himself, 3-ou
nly recognises and bowe to the feel-voice
ol the people of Kentucky, that
n of Abraham Lincoln is no cause
--'II or rebellion any where.
>ur Governor implores the disaffected
- 10 do nothing to break up this great
.. 1 I,I:I< i.t; not to precipitate us byprema-ion
into revolution or civil war; not
,-<]e by Lieving the halls of Congress, by
r posts and us now; but to re-
I uion and appeal with us for
ir rights to the reason and j istice
• -in ol Congress, of tbeStau s. and
pie every where; to stand by us
1 \ tlieil and our numerous friends in the
let-t that the majority of the
\hK.i pie and of their representatives
. against Abraham Lincoln, as
in :" and that he will most pro-y
In- powerless for the slightest harm or
SiMilli; and to firmly resolve
pressmen, u'ong with all the
ii'-fji publican members of the Opposition,
scuss the question of slavery any
tend to business upon the important
la of the country.
roar Bell and Douglas men, their TJn-tude
is ol course unchanged and un
They apprehend no earthquake
ido hereabouts. They do not indulge
t ng or misgiving. They are gener-il
and confident that all v.-ill yet be
v are even speaking kindly of Mr.
lion. Judge Boberton, of Lexing-one,
since as tiefore the election,
[hat in bis opinion Mr. Lincoln is too
to do any thing about slavery: if he.
iidga, and a large slaveholder, will feel
secure under President Lincoln as he
er Mr.Bell, Mr. Breckinridge, or
as I ndeed I doubt not that he and
most respectable and substantial
Kentucky anticipate from ••honest
nlj a change for the better in the
tralion oi the • iovernment; a good old
I, pure, and national regime; gener-beral
to the comprehensive patriots
- 1 lion and party, and maintaining
. the Constitution,and the enforce-ill
the laws—the fugitive slave law
fore in -lave trade law included.
.. ■• ickians, afall parties,are to-day
; and ne ne more so than .some of
rgesi slaveholders, who feel that they
thing to !">•• and nothing to gain
mion.
poplo ofKenlucky feel that self-inter-
; pro lion and self perseration will
ep them and nil their slavelioldlng neigh-islly
d voted to our American Un-ihcy
cherish the most earnest hope
mo devotion will prevail in every
1 Kentucky's sisters on the Gulf and on
v Li tic.
I * S aie declares with her Governor, that
..':, \ of our country will not admit
hv sum : thai. at all events, the msuth ol
nl i!i' M issisBi pi cannot be separa
the horrors ofcivil war, the eon-
I which will be most frightfu'. to
. 1 and respectfully,yours,
' IIOUATIO.
go determine.
Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which
would aid him. or allow him to violate theConstitution?
Why, then. 1 say, should we disrupt the ties of this Un-ion
when his hands are tied, when he can do nothing
against us? I have heard it mooted that no man in the
State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could
hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But I ask who appoints
to office? Not the President atone; the Senate has to
concur. No man can be appointed without the con-sent
of the Senate. Should any man, then, refuse to
hold office that was given him by a Democratic Senate?
(
SPEECH OF HOV. A. II. STEPHENS,
OF GKORGIA,
Delivered in the //all of the House of Repr-tentative of
Georgia, Wednesday evening, Arov. 14, 1800.
Mr. STEPHENS entered the Hall at the hour of 7
o'clock and was greeted with long and rapturous ap-plause.
He rose and said :
Fellow-citizens, I appear before you to-night, at the
request ol members of the Legislature and others, to
speak of matters of the deepest interest that can possi
bly concern us all, ol an earthly character. There is
nnthing.no question 01 subject, connected with this life | Conservative men in the Senate, should
that-coneerns a free people so intimately as that of the
(iovernment under which they live. We are now in-deed
surrounded by evils. Never since I entered upon
the public stage has the country been so environed with
difficulties and dangers thai threatened ihe public
peace and the very existence ol society as now. 1 do
not now appear before you at my own instance. It is
not to gratify any desire of my own that I am here.—
Had I consulted my own ease and pleasure 1 should not
be before you; but believing that it is the duly of every
good citizen to give his counsels and views whenever
the country is in danger, as 10 the best policy to be
pursued. 1 am here, lor these reasons and these only
do I bespeak a calm, patient and attentive hearing.
Myobjeet 18 not to stir up strife, but 10 allay it; not
to appeal to your passions, but to your reason. Good
governments can never be built up or sustained by the
impulse of passion. 1 wish to addiess myself to your
good sense, to your good judgment, and if after hearing
you disagree,let us agree to disagree; and part as we
met friends. We all have the same object, the same
interest. That people should disagree in Republican
Governments upon questions of public policy is natur-al.
That men should disagree upon all matters con-nected
with human investigation, whether relating to
science or human cetidm 1, is natural. Hence in free
Governments parties will arise. But a free people
should express their opinions with liberality and char
iiy. with no accrirr.ony towards those of their lellows
when honestly and sincerely given. These 'are my
feelings to-night. Let us, therelore, reason together.
It is not my purpose 10 say aught to wound the feelings
of any individual who may be present; and if, in the
ardency with which 1 shall express my opinions,1
■•hall say any thiiu which may be deemed too strong,
let it be set down to the zeal with which I advocate inj
own convictions. There is with [me no intention to
irritate or offeud.
Fellow citizens, we are all launched in the same
barque; we are all in the same cralt in the widepofssi-cal
ocean; the same deal ny awaits us all. tor weal or for
woe. We have been launched in the good old ship that
has been upon the waves lor three-quarters of a cen
uiry, which has been in many tempests and storms, has
many times been iu peril, and patriots have often fear-ed
that tbey should have to give it up—yea, had at
limes alnio.t given it up—but still the gallant ship is
afloat. Though new -forms now howl around us. and
the tempests beat heavily against us, 1 say 10 you do
not give up the ship; do not abandon her yet. If she
can possibly be preserved, and our rights, interests and
security be maintained, the objeci is worth the effort.
Let us not, 011 account of disappointment and ehaigin
at the reverse of an eleciion, give up all as lost, but let
us see what can be done to prevent a wreck [Some
one here said --the ship had holes in her.""] And there
may be leaks in her, but let us stop them if we can:
many a stout old ship has been saved with richest cargo
alter many leaks.and it may be so now. (Cheers.)
I do not. on (his occasion, intend to enter into the
history of the reasons or ousts of the embarrassments
wl ich press so heavily upon us all at this time. In
justice to myse f however, I must barely state upon
ihis point, that I do think much of it depended upon
ourselves. The consternation that has come upon the
people is the result of a sdctional eleciion ol a President
0! the United States, one whose opinions and avowed
principles are iu auiagonisui to our iuierests and right ,
and we believe, if carried out, would subvert the Con-stitution
udder which we now live. But are we entire-ly
blameless in this matter, my countrymen ! I give
it to yon as my opinion that but for-he policy the
Southern people pursued this fearful lesult would not
have occurred. Mri Lincolu has been elected, 1 doubt
not, bv a majority ol the people of the United 8iates.
What will be the extent of that majority we do not yet
know, but the disclosure when made will show, I think.
that a majority oi the constitutional, conservative vo-ters
of tne country were against iiiin: and had the South
stood firmly in theConvention at Charleston, on her old
piatform of principles of non-intervention, there is in
i.iv mind but littl., doubt that whoever might have been
the candidate i»f the National Democratic party would
have been elected by as large a majority as that w inch
elected Mr, Buchanan or Pierce. therefore let us not
he hasty and rash in our action, especially if the result
be attributable at all to ourselves Before looking to
extreme measures, let us first see, as Georgians, that
every thing which can be done to preserve our rights,
our interests, and our honor, as well as the peace 01 the
country in the Union, be tiistdone. (Applause.)
The lirsi question thai presents it-ell is, .-ball the peo
pie of the South secede Irom the Union in consequence
of the election of Mr- Lincoln to the Presidency of the
LniiedState-: My countrymen, 1 tell you frankly,
candidly, and earnest:}, that I do not think thai they
ought. In mv judgment, the eleciion ol no man, con-stitutionally
chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause
for anj Male to separate from tne Uuion. It ought to
stand "by and aid .-till in maintaining the Constitution
ol the country. To make this point of resistance to the
Government,to withdraw Irom it because a man has been
constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We aie
pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have
'won, to support it. Can we, therefore, lor the mere
election of a man to the Presidency, and that, in accor-dance
with the prescribed forms of the Constitution,
make a point ol resistance to the Government without
becoming the breakers ol that sacred instrument our-selves?
Withdraw ourselves from it! Would we not
be in the wrong.' Whatever fate is 10 befall this coun-try,
let it never bo laid to the charge of the people ol
the South, and especially to the people ofGeoigia, that
«-. were untrue to our national engagements, uet the
mult or the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes
are to be blasted. 1'' tne Republic is 10 go down, let us
be found in the last moment standing on the deck with
lie dag ol tie Constitution ol the United States waving
over our heads. (Applause) Let the fanatics ol the
North break the Constitution if such is iheir Itll pur-pose.
Let the responsibility be upon them.
s
Speech of Mr. Yun.-ey.
Wm. L Yum--v, addressed a large
..icetmgat Montgomery, Ala., on
■†l'i i,-t.
in .-v organ by establishing the right
. reign" Slate to withdraw from the
win 11 ike terms of the entrant were
; arguing that all these Slates which
le la- » obstructing the action of the
• -lave law had already nullified ih>
m.i..n. He advised a convention ot
. Si iti -. ■ 1 the end lha ,aftera«rp-
1 withdrawal, a new Union might tie
, and a Southern Republic, lie stated
border Stales would not immedi-
He, but would act as a bulwark to
.- mi,, and that they had bound
us ti. permit no federal army to cross
■rritory. He stat.il. furthermore, that
m administration, conceding th>;
liv lual Stales to secede, would
offensive measures, anil that the next
is having a democratic majority, would
such measures impossible on *b« part
Vlr. Lincoln.
Leave.—A man calling himself
rrick Flopped a few days in this plane last
Hi.- langnago and conduct aroused
1 against him, and he was wait ")'i on
. . » rol uur citizens on Saturday i.'ight
id vised to leave, which ho did on the
1 train. X isuspici Das characters wif
•wed to lark about Charlotte now.—
■ • D mocrat.
< >n Wednesday morning last snow
1 in this section for t:. or 7 hours. The
1'iiinl being damp and rather warm, it mel-l
«d as (kst as it fell.— Charlotte Democrat.
1 snail
speak more presently of then a-ls. But let not the
south, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression.
We went iuto the election with this people. The result
was different irom what we wished; but the election
has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a
point el resistance to the Uovernment and go out ol
Ihe Union on thai account, the record would be made
up hereafter agaiust us. , . .
But it is said that Mr. Lincoln's policy and princi-ples
are against 'heConstitution, and that if he carries
inemout it will be destructive of our rights. Let us
not anticipate a threatened evil. If he violates the
Constitution, then will come our time to act. l>o not
let us break it because, loraootb. he may. If he does,
that is Ihe lime 101 us 10 strike. (Applause.) 1 think
it would be injudicious and uuwisc to do ihis sooner.—
1 do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do any thine
10 jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his
spirit to do i.; for he is bound by the cmistitution.il
Checks which are thrown around him, which at this
time renders him powerless to do any great mischief.
Ihis slniws Ihe wisdom ol oui system. The l'r-sident
of the United States is no Kmpeior, no Dictator; he is
clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing
unless he is checked by power ill Congress The House
01 Representatives is largely in the majority against
him. Iu tbe very lace and teeth ol the heavy majority
which he has obtained in the Northern States, there
j have been large gains m the House ol Representatives
' to the Conservative Constitutional party of the country,
which here 1 will call the National Democratic paiiy,
because that is ihe cognomen it has at the North.—
There are twelve of this party elected from New York
to the next Congress, 1 believe. In the present House
there are but lour, I think. In Pennsylvania, Jirw
Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana, there have been gams. In
the present Congress, there were 113 Republicans, when
ii takes 117 to make a majority. The gains of the Dem-ocratic
party m Pennsylvania, Ohio, New Jersey, New-
York. Indiana, and other States, notwithstanding its
distinction*, have been enough lo make a majority of
nearly thirty in the uexi House against Mr. Lincoln.
Even in Boston, Mr. lluiliugame, one of the noted
leaders ol the fanatics of that section, has been defeat-ed,
and a conservative man relumed iu his .-lead, is
this the time, then, to apprehend thai Mr. Lincoln, with
ihis large majority in the House of Representatives
a taiust him, can carry out any of his constitutional
principles in that body '.' In the Senate he will also be
powerless. There will be a majority ol four against
him. This after the lo»g ol Bigler, r'itch, and others,
by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Demo-
Mr. '.' uouibs interrupted, and said if Ihe Senate was
Democratic itwas for .Mr. Brckinridge.) Well. then,
continued Mr. S., 1 apprehend no man could be justly
considered untrue to the interests of Georgia, or incur
any disgrace, if tbe interests of Georgia required it, to
hold un office which a lireckinridge Sena:e had given
him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be President.—
(Prolonged applause, mingled with interruptions.)
1 trust, my countrymen, you will be still and silent
I am addressing your good sense. 1 am giving you my
views in a calm and dispassionate manner, and if any of
you differ with me you can, on any other occasion, give
vour views as I am doing now, and let reason and true
patriotism decide between us. In my judgment. 1 say,
under such circumstances, there would be no possible
disgrace for a Southern man 10 hold office. No man
will be suffered to be appointed, 1 have no doubt, who
is not true to the Constitution, if Southern Senators are
1 rue to iheir trusts, as I cannot permit myself to doubt
that they will be.
My honorable friend who addressed you last night,
(Mr. Toouibs,) and 10 whom 1 listened with the pro-foundest
attention, asks if we would submit to ltlack
Republican rule'.' 1 say to you and to him, as a Geor-gian.
1 never would submit lo any Pluck Republican
aggreuion upon our constitutional rights. ^ I will never
consent myself, as much as I admire this Union, for the
glories ol the past or the blessings of the present: as
much as it has done for the people of all these States:
as much as it has done for civilization: as much as the
hopes of the world hang upon it, 1 would never submit
to aggression upon my rights to maintain it longer; and
ifihev cannot be maintained in ihe Union, standing on
ihe Georgia platform where 1 have stood from the time
of its adoption, 1 would be in favor of disrupting every
tie which binds the States together. 1 will have equal-ity
for Georgia and the citizens ol Georgia ill this Un-ion,
or I will look lor new safe guards elsewhere This
is my position. The only question now is. can they be
secured in the Union. That is what 1 am counselling
with you to-night about. Can it be secured ? In my
judgment it may lie: yet ii may not be: but let us do all
"we can, BO that in the future, if the worst come, it may
never be said we were negligent in doing our duty to
the last.
Mr. countrymen. 1 am not of those who believe this
Union has "been a curse up to this time. True men
of integrity, en.ertain different views from me ou this
•abject I do not question their right to do so; 1 would
not impugn iheir motives in SO doing. Nor will I under-take
to say thai this Government of our fathers is per-fect.
There is nothing perfect in this world of a hu-man
origin : nothing connected with human nature,
from man himself to any of his works. You may select
the wisest and best men [or your judges, and yet how
many defectsare there in the administration of justice !
You may select ihe wisest and best men lor youi legis-lators.
a"nd yet how many delects are apparent in^ your
laws'.' And it is so iu our Government. But -hat this
Government of our fathers, with all its defects, comes
neaier the objects of all good Governments than any
oilier ou the face of the earth is my settled conviction.
Contia-t it now with any on the face of the earth. [Kng
laud, said Mr. TuOmbs.] England, my friend says.—
Well, lhat is the next best, 1 think we have improved
upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice hand
on the Government of England, and then ours was
made. Ours sprung Irom that, avoiding mar.y of its
delects, taking most of the good and leaving out many
ol its errors, and. from the whole constructing ami
building up this model Republic, the be.-t which the
history of the world gives any account of. Compare,
my friends, this Government with that of Spain. Mex-ico,
tbe South American Republics. Germany. Ireland,
(are there any sous oi that down-trodden nation here
to-night?) Prussia, or if you travel further east, to
Tin key or China. Where will you go, following the
-in. in its circuit round oUr globe, 10 find a government
that better protects the liberties, of its people, and se
cures to them Ihe blessings we enjoy. [ Applause.f I
think that one of the evils that beset us is a surfeit of
liberty, an exuberance ol the priceless blessings for
which we are ungrateful.
We listened to my honorable friend who addressed
you last night (Mr. Toombs) as he recounted the evils
ol this Government. Thetirst evil of which he com-plained
was ihe tishing bounties, paid mostly to the
sailors of New England. Our friend staled that forty-eigntyears
of our Government was under the Adminis-tration
of Southern Presidents Well, those fishing
bounties began under Ihe rule of a Southern President,
1 believe. No one of them, during the whole forty-eight
yaars. ever set his Administration against the
principle of policy of them. It is not for me to say
whether it was a wise policy in the begining; for me it
probably was not, and I have nothing to .-ay in its de-fence.
But the reason given for itwas to encourage
ouryoung men to go fo sea and learn to manage ships
We had at the time but n small navy. It was thought
best lo encourage a class of our people to become ac-quainted
with sea-faiing lite : Io become sailors; 10
man our naval ships, it requires practic to walk the
deckof a ship, to pull Ihe ropes, to furl the sails, to go
aloft, to climb Ihe mast, and it it was though) by offer-ing
this bounty a nursery might be formed in which
young men wouldbroome perfected in these arts, and it
applied to one section of the country as well as lo any
oilier. The result of this was that in the war of 1812
uur suilors many of whom came from ihis nuresrry were
equal to any thai Engla d brought against us. At any rate
no small part ofthehonor.-ol that war were gained by the
veteran tars of Amciica, and the object of these bounties
was to foster thai branch of the national defence. My
opinion is, shat whatever may have been the reason at
first, this bounty ought to be discontinued—the reason
lor it at hist no longer cxi-ts. AI ill for this object did
pass the Senate the last Congress 1 was in, to .hich
my honorable friend coutiibutcd greately but it wi- not
reached in the House of Representatives. I tru-i thai
he will yet see lhat he may with honor continue his
connexion with the Government, and that bis eloquence
unrivalled iu the Senate, may hereafter, as heretofore,
be dUplayed in having this bounty, so abnoxious to
him, repealed and wiped ofl from the statute-book.
The lie xl e.il thai my friend complained of was the
tar-IE Well let us 100k at that for a moment. About
the time I commenced noticing public matters this
question was agitating the country almost as lear-tully
as the slavery question now is. In 18:12
When I Was in college, South Carolina was ready to
nullity or secede from the Union on this account. And
what have we seen 1 The tariff no longer distracts
the public councils. Reason has triumphed ! The
present tariff was voted for by Massachusetts and South
Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down together;
every man in toe Senate and House from .Massachusetts
and South Carolina 1 think voted for it. as did my hou
orable friend himself. And if it be true, to use the
figure of speech of my honorable friend, that every
man in the North that works in iron and brass and wood
has his muscle strengthened by the proiection of ihe
Government, that stimulant was given by his vote aud 1
believe every other Southern man. So we ought not 10
complain of that.
Mr. TOOMBS. Thai tariff lessened the duties.
Mi. STEPHENS. Yes: and Massachusetts with
unanimity voted with the South tolessen them,and they
were made just as Southern men asked them to be. and
lhat is ihe rates they arc now at. If reason anu aigu
incut, with experience produced such changes in the
sen'iiuents oi Massachusetts from 1888 to 1867 on the
subject of the irriff, may not like changes be effected
there by the the same means—leuson and argument,
and appeals to patriotism—OB the present vexed ques-tion
V And who can say that by 1875 or 1890 Massa-chusetts
may not vote with South Corolina and Geor-gia
upon all those questions lhat now distract the coun-try
and threaten its peace and cxisiince'.' 1 believe in
the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence
of truth, and its ultimate triumph when properly wiel-ded.
[Applause J
Another matter of grievance alluded to by my hoa-orable
friend was the navigation laws. This policy
was also commenced under the Administration of one
of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well, and has
been continued through all of them since. The gentle-man's
views of the policy of these laws, and toy own do
uot disagree. We occupied the same ground in rela-lion
to them in Congress. It is not my purpose- to de-fend
them now. But it is proper to state somematters
connected wifh their origin.
One of the objects was to build up a commercial
American marine by giving American bottoms the ex-clusive
carrying traSe between our own ports. This is
a grsat arm of national power. This object wa9 accom-plished.
We have now an amount of shipping, not only-coastwise
but to foreign countries, which putB us in ihe
fronl rank of the nations of the world. England can
no longer be styled the mistress of the seas. What
American Is not proud of the result ? Whether those
laws should becontinued is toother question. But one
thing is certain, no Pivsident, Northern or Southern,
has ever yet recommended their repeal. And my
friend's efforts to get them repealed has met with but
liille favor. North or South.
These then, were the true main grievancesor grounds
of complaint against the general system of our Govern-ment
and its workings ; 1 meant the administration ol
ihFee deral Government. As to the acts ot several of
the States, 1 shall speak presently, but those three were
the main ones used against the common head. Now,
suppose it be admitted that all of these are evils in the
svstem, dothev overbalance and outweigh the advanta-ges
and great gooa which this same Government affords
in a thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estima
led? Have we not at the South as well as the North
grown great, prosperous, and happy undei its opera-tion
? Has any part of the world ever shownsuch 1a
pid progress in the development of wealth amid all the
imperial resources of national power and greatness as
the Southern States have underthe General Government
notwithstanding all its defects*
Mr. TOOMBS. In spile of it.
Mr STEPHENS. My honorable friend says we have
piospered in spite of the Government. Without it I
suppose he thinks we might have done as well or
perhaps better than we have done. That may be.
and it may not be. But. as respects the great faci
that we have become great and powerful under
he Government as it exists, there is no conjec-ture
or speculation; it stands out bold, high, and prom-inent,
like your Sione Mouutain, to which the getleman
alluded in illustrating home (acts in his record. This
great fact of our unrivalled prosperity in the Union, as
it is, is admitted. Whether all this is in spits of theGov-erniuenl,
whether we of the South would hsM been bet
ter off without the Government, is, to say the least pro-blematical.
One the one side we can put the fad
against only speculation and conjecture on the other,
liuteven as a question of speculation, I differ with my
distinguished friend. What we would have lost in bor-der
wars without tbe Union, or what we have gained
simply by the peace it has secured, no estimate can be
made of. Our foreign trade, which is ihe foundation ol
all our prospcrty, has the proteclioa of the navy, which
drove the praise from the waters near our coast, were
they hail been buccaneering for centuiies before, and
might have been still had it not been for the American
navy under : he command of such spiritsas Commodore
Porter. Now that the coast is clear that our oommercc
dows freely outwardly and inwardly we cannot well
estimate how it would have been under other circuni
stances. The influence of the Government on us is
like that of the atmosphere around us. liSDCnents are
so silent and unssen that they are seldom thought of or
appreciated We kcldom think of the single element ol
oxvgen in Ihe air we bre-the, and yet let this simple and
uufelt agent be withdrawn, this life-giving element be
taken away from this all pervading fluid around us.
and what ins"ant and appalling changes would take
place in all 01 ganic creation ! ll may be that we are
in "spile of the General Government" but it may be
lhat without it we should have been far different from
what we are now. It is true there is no equal part ol
the earth with natural resources superior perhaps to
ours That portion of this country known as the South-ern
State* sireching from the Chesapeake to the Rij
Grinde. is fully equal to the picture drawn by the hon-orable
end eloquent Senater last night in all natural ca
pacifies. But how many ages and centuries passed be-fore
these capacities were developed to reach this ad-vanced
stage of civilization! These same hills, rich
in ore. these same rivers, same valley, aud plains, are
as they have been sinee they came from the hand of the
Creator: uneducated ano uncivilized man roamed over
them for how long no history informs us. It was only
under our institutions that they couid be developed.—
Their development is the result of the enterprise of our
people, under the operation of the Government and in
stiiulions under which we have lived. Even our peo-ple
without these never would have done it. The or-ganization
of society has much lo do with the develop-ment
of the natural resources of any country or any
land The institutions of a people, political and moral
arc the matrix in which the germ of their organic struc-ture
quickens inlo lite, takes root, and develops in form
nature character. Our institutions constitute the basis
the matrix Irom spring ail our characteristics of devel-opment
and greatness. Lookat Greece; there is the
same fertile soil, the same blue sky, the same inlets and
hai boi-s. the same .Egean, the same Olympus; there is
the same land where Homer sung, where Percies spoke ;
it is in nature the same old Gretce. but it is ••living
Greece no more." [Applause.] Decendantsof the
same people inhabit the country,yet what is the reason
ol ihis mighty difference ? In lbs midst of present de-gi-
adoaiiou we see the glorious fragments of ancient
works of art j temples with ornaments and inscripuons
that excite wonder and admiration—the remains of a
once high order of civiheation which have out-lived
the language they spoke. Upon them sBIchs
bod is wriitcn ; their glary has departed, why is
Ihisso • 1 answer, their institutions have been de-stroyed.
These were but the fruits of their lorms ol
government, the matrix from which their grand devel
opment sprung. And when once the institutions ol ou.
people have been destroyed, there is no earthly power
that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle
them here again, any more than in that ancient land ol
eloquence, poetry, and song. [Applause.] The same
may be said of Italy. Where is Rome once the mistress
of the world ".' There are the same seven hills now, the
-.inie soil, the same natural rcsourses ; nature is the
-ame: but what a ruin of human greatness meets the
eve of Ihe traveller throughout the length and breadth
of tlnit most down-trodden land! Why have nol the
people of thai Heaven-favored clime the spirit that am-
When I look n round and see our prosperity in every
thing—agriculture, commerce, art. science, and evcrv
department of education, physical and mental, as w.fl
as in moral advancement, and our colleges—I think,
in the lace of such an exhibition, ifwe can, without
the loss of power, or any essential right or interest, re-main
in the Lmon, it is our duty to ourselves and to
posterity to do SO. Let us not too readily yield lo this
temptation Our first parents, the great progenitors
01 the human race, were not without a like temptation
when in the gar Jen of Eden. They were led to believe
lit"" ° ' ,on would be bettered; lhat iheir eyes
would be opened ; and that they would become as
gods. They in *n evil hour yielded ; insteai of be-coming
gods, tbey only saw their own Nakedness.
i look upon tnis country, wiih our institutions, as
the Kden of the world, the paradise of the universe. It
may be that out A it we may become greater and mo
prosperous ,- but I am candid and sincere in telling y
that I fear, if we rashly enuce passion, and wilhc
maied their father- V Why this saddifferei.ee? It is
the destruction af her institutions that has caused it—
\nd, my countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly
pull down and destroy those institutions which the pa-triotic
band of our fathers lab-red so long and so hard
10 build up, and which have done so much lor us and
the world, who can venture the prediction that similar
results wiU not ensue! Let us avoid it if we can. I
trust die spirit is amongst us lhat will enable us nol
ru-hly try the experiment; for if it fails, as it did in
Greece and Italy, and in the South American Republics
and in every other place wherever liberty is one de-stroyed,
it may never be restored 10 us again. [Ap-plause
1 There arc defects in our Government errors,
in administration, and short coming of many kinds but
iu spite of these defects and errors Georgia has grown
to be a great State.
Let us pause here a moment In I80O there was a
great crisis, but not so fearful as this, for all I have
ever passed through this is the most perilous, and re-quires
to be met with the greatest calmness and delib-eration.
There were many amongnst us in 1850 zeal-ous
to go at once out of the Union, to disruct every tie
that binds us together. Now. do you believe, if that
policy been carried out that time, we would have been
the same great people that we axe to-day I It may be
thai we would but have you any assurance of that
fact' Would we have made the same advancement,
and progress in al! thai constitutes material wealth and
prosperity < I notice in the Comptroller General , re-port
that the taxable properly of Georgia is $870, ''n.
OOQ and upwaids, an amount uot lar irom double what
i, was in 1860. I think I may venture to say that for
the last ten years the material wealth of the people 0!
Georgia has been nearly if not quite doubled Ihe
same may be said of our advance in education and every
thing that marks our civilization. Have we any as-
Ihat had we regarded ihe earnest but misguided
more
ou
without
sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of be-coming
greater or more peaceful, prosperous, and hap
py, instead of be.ominggods, we will become demons,
and at no distant day commence cutting one another's
threats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therelore,
whatever we do meet these difficulties, great as they
are. like wise and sensible men, and consider them in
the light of all the consequences which may attend our ,
action. Let us see first clearly where the path of du,y
leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein
I come now to the main question put to me. and on
which my counsel has been asked. That is, what the
present Legislature should do. in view of the dangers
that threaten us, and ihe wrongs lhat have been done
us by several of our confederate Slates in the Union,
by the act of their Legislatures nullifying the fugitive
slave law, and indirect disregard of their constitutional
obligations? Wha; I shall say will not be in ihespirit
of dictation. It will be simply my own judgment, for
what it is worth _ It proceeds from a strong conviction
that according to it our rights, interests, and honor,
our present safety and future security, can be main-tained
without yet locking to the last resort, "the
ultima ratio regwni." That should nol he looked to un-til
all else fails. That may come. On this point I
am hopeful, but not sang.no*. Bat let us use every pa-triotic
effort to prevent . while there is ground for
hope. If anyview that 1 may present in your judg-ment
be inconsistent with the best interest of Georgia,
I ask you as pat-io'.snot to regard it. Alter hearing
me and others whom you have advised with, act in the
premises according to your conviction 01 duly as pa-sriots.
I speak now particularly to the members of
the Legislature.
There ere. as i have said, great dangers ahead-—
Great dangers may come from Jlie election I have spo-ken
of. If Ihe 1 olicy of Mr. Lincoln and his Republi-can
associates shall be carried out, or attempted to be
carried out, no man in Georgia will be more willing or
ready than myself to defend our lights, interest, and
honor ai every hazard and to the last extremely i'.\p-plause.
1 What is this policy? It is, iu the first place
to exclude us by an ane of Congress from ine Toirito-ries
with our slave properly. He is for using the pow-er
of the General Government against ihe extension ol
our institutions. Our position on this point is and
ought to be. at all hazards, for perfect equality be-tween
all ihe MI tes, and the citizens of all die Slates,
in the Terri'.one 1. under the Constitution of the United
Stales. If Congress slmulj exercise its power against
this, then lam for s'aniling where Georgia planted
herself in 1860. These were plain propositions, which
were then laid down in her celebrated platform assul-ticient
for Ihe disruption ol the Uniou, 11 the occasion
should ever come. On these Georgia has declared that
she will go out of the Union; aud lor these she would
be justified by Uie nations of the earth in so doing. I
say the same ; I said it then ; I say it now. if Mr. Lin-coln's
policy should be carried out. I have told you
that 1 do not think his bare 'election sufficient cause;
but if his poiicy should be earned out, in violation ol
the principles sist forth in the Georgia platform] that
would be such an act of aggiessionas ought to be met
as therein provi led for. ll his policy shall be carried
out in repealing or modifyittc the fugitive slave law so
as lo nuts its efficacy, Georgia has declared thai
she will in the last resort disrupt ihe ties of the Union:
and 1 say so too. Island upon the Geojgia platform,
and upon evey plai k. and say. if the aggressions
tnereiu provided lor take place, I say to you. and to
people ol" Georg a, keep your powder dry, and let your
assailants then have lead if need be [Applause) I
would wait for an act of aggression ; that is my posi-tion.
Now, upon another point, and that the most difficult
an. deserving your most serious considerution, I will
speak. That is thecourse which this State should pur-siia
tuwards lliosa Northern States which by tKeir leg
islative acts have atteinplld to nullify Ihe fugitive slave
law. I know that in some ot these States their act. are
pretended to be based upon the principles set forth in
the decison of the Supreme Court of the UuitcdStates
iu the case of Priggagainst Pennsylvania. That de-cision
did proclaim the doctrine thai the State officers
are not bound to cairy out the provisions ofa law of
Congress, lhat Ihe Federal Government cunot im-pose
duties upon State officials ; lhat Ihey must exe
cute their own tsws by iheir own officers. And this
may be true, lint still il is the duly of the Stares to
deliVfr lugitive slaves, as the duty of the General Gov
ernnient to see that it is done. The Northern Slates,
when they entered into the Feder 1 compact, pledged
themselves to sunender such fugitives; and it is in
disregard of their constitutional obligations lha' they
l.ave passed laws which even tend to hinder or impede
the lulfilment of that obligation. They have violated
their plighled faith What ought we to do in view ol
this? That is the question. What is to be done ? Iiy
the law of nations you would have a right to demand
ihe carrying oul of this article ol agreement, and I do
not see that it should be otherwise with respect lo ihe
Sta'cs of this Union ; and in case it be mi done we
would by these principles have the right 10 commit ec's
of reprisal on these faithless governments, ami seize
upon their property or thai of iheir citizens wherever
found. The Stales of this Union stand upon the same
tooting with foreign nations in this respMi. Bui by
the law of null >ns we are equally bound, before pro-ceeding
to violent measures, to set forth our grievan-ces
beiore the offending government, to give them an
opportunity to redress the wrong. Has our Stale yet
done this ? I lliink not.
Suppose it were Great Iiritain lhat had violated
some compact of ngreement with Ihe General Govern-ment
; what would be first done! In that case our
Minister would be directed, in the fir-t instance, lo
bring Ihe matter to the attention of that Government,
or a commissioner be sent to lhat country to open nego
tiations with her and ask for redress : and it would
only be alter argument and reason had been exhausted
111 vain that we would take the last resort of nations.—
That would be the course towards a loreign (iovern-ment.
and towards a member of this Confederacy I
would recommend the same course. Let us therefore
not act hastily iu ihis matter. Lei your Committee on
the Stale of the Republican make out a bill of grievan-ces
; let it be sent by the Governor to those iaithless
Males, and if reason ai,d argument shall, be tried in
vain, or shall fail to induce them to return tt eir con-stituiional
obligations, 1 would be lor retaliatory meas-ures,
such ss the Governor hjis suggested to you. This
mode of resistance in tl|' Union is iu our power, ll
might be effectual, andjil uot. in the last resort we
would be justified in ihSeyes of nations, not only in
sepaiaiiug Iron: them, "at in using force.
(Some one here said the argument is already ex-hausierf
•) ... .
Mr. STEPHENS contl.-.ued. Some friend says lhat
the argument is already exhausted No, my iriend ;
it is not. You have never called the attention of the
Lcgisla.ures of those Stales to this subject, ihal I am
aware of. Nothing has ever been done beiore this
year. The attention ol our own people has been call-ed
to this subject lately.
Now. then, my recommendation to you would t>-
this. In view of all these questions of difficulty, let a
Convention of the People of Georgia be ca led, lo
which they may be all referred. Let the sovereignly
of the people Bleak. Some think lhat the eleciion 01
Mr. Lincoln is cause sufficient to dissol.e the I iilon.—-
Some think those other grievances are sufficient to dis
solve the same, and that ihe Legislature has the powei
thus to act, and ought thus 10 act. 1 have no hesitan-bo
I am one of them, and have s right to be heard, and so
has any other eitizen ol ihe State. You legislators. 1
speak it respectfully, are but our servant.. You are
the servants ol ihe people, and not their masters. Pow-er
resides, with th<- people in this country. The gresi
difference between our country and all others, such as
Franc*, ami England, and Ireland, is lhat here there is
popular sororeigniy, while there sovereignly is exerci-ed
by kings sndfavorel classes. This piiuciple of pop
ular sovereignty, however much derided lately, is tb.
foundation of our institutions. Constitutions are bu-ttle
channels through which ihe popular will may be
expressed. Our Constitution came fiom tho people —
They made it and they alone can rightlully unmake
ii.
Mr. TOOMBS. lamafra'd of Convention*
Mr. STEPHENS. I am not afraid of any Conven
tion legally chosen by tb. people. I know no wav to
decide great questions ilfeeting lundam-ntal laws ex
cept by representalivrsof lb? people. 'lneCou<litulion
ol Ihe luited Stale* was made by the reprrsenlstivrr
of the people. The constitution of the Stale of Geor
gia was made by representatives ot the p- ople chosen
at Ihe ballot-box. Bui do no! let ihe question which
comes i.i'lore ihe people be put to them in the Isngiinge
ol my honorable Iriend who addre-sed ,,ou last night
Will you submit to abolition rule or resif ?
Mr. TOOMBS I do uot wish the people tu be chea-ted.
Mr. STEPHENS Now, my friends, how are we go
ing io cheat the people by railing on them lo elect de'e
gates to a Convention to decide all these question-without
any dictation or direction: Who propos,-
lo cheat the people by leiline iheui speak then- un
trammelled views in the choice ol iheir *ble-t and best
men to determine upon all the Blatters invoking 'hen
peace '.' limn',, ihe pioposilinn of my honorable friend
had a considerable smack of 11nf.n1 nesO. nol to say
cheat. He wished to have no Convention, ban for tin
Legislature to submit to vote ol Ihe people ihe ques-tion
of "submission lo abolition rule or resi-ianee."—
Now, who in Georgia wo.ild vote "Mihmission to abo
lilion rule " (Laughter) Is pulling-uch a ipie-tion to
a vote of the people a fair way of getting an expression
01 the popular will on all these questionst 1 think
not. Now, who in Georgia is going lo submit 10 abo-lition
rule?
Mr. TOOMBS. The Convention will
Mr. STEPHEN'S No. my friend, Georgia will never
doit. The Convention will never sei ede Iron. 1 bo Geor-gia
plaiform- Under that then- can be no abolition
rule in the General fioverninent. I sen net afraid 10
ttust tae people in Convention upon this and all ques-tions.
Besides, the legislature were not elected for
such a purpose. They came here to do iheir duty as
'egislators. They have sworn to suppoit the CoDStitU-lution
of the United States. They aid not eosss here
10 disrupt this CuTerument. I use, thesefote, for sub-mitting
all these questions to a Convention ol ihe peo-ple.
Submit the question to the ).eople, whether they
would submit to abolition rule or i-e-i-:, and then let
the Legislature act upon thai vote ! Sueh a coarse
would be an insult to the people. They would have
to eat their piatform, Ignore their past history, blot
oui their records, and take steps backwards, if they
should do this. 1 have nevor eaten my record or words,
and never will.
Bat how will it be under this srrangemenl if they
should vote to resist, and the Legislature should re
assemble with this vote as their instructions . Can
any man tell what sort of resistance will be meant?—
One man would say serede; another pass retaliatory
measures: these are measures ol" resistance n^iin-'
wrong legitimate and right : and there would be si
tnanv different ideas as there are members on this '' ' >i
Resistance don't mean secession : that in no proper
sense of the term it resistance. Believing that the
time- require action I am for presenting the question
fairly to thcpeople. for calling together an untram-melled
Convention and presenting nil the questions In
them, whether they will go oul of the Union, or what
course ofresistancs in ihe Onion they may think best
aid then let the Legislature act, when ins |ieople in
iheir majesty are heaid; an,: 1 tell yon now.whatevei
Ihal Convention does. 1 hope and trust our people wil
abide by. 1 advise the calling of a Com en: ion wiih
the earnest desire to preserve I he peace a'.d harmony
of the State. 1 should dislike, above all things, 10 -ei
violent measures adopted, or a disposition shown lo
take the sword in hand by individuals without the an
thoriiy 01 law My honorable frii nd s ,i.| l.i-l Bight,
••I ask you 10 give me ihe sword, for il you do nut give
it 10 ire a- God lives. I will lake il myself.
Mr. TOOMBS. 1 will. (Applause on Ihe other side.)
Mr STEPHENS. [ have no doubt that my honor
able fiieiid IceU as he says. It is only his rscessivc
ardor that makes Inn. MS such IB expression; bin ihi-will
pass ofwith the exciiemenl of ihe boor. Whet
the people in their majesty shad speak, I have m>
couht be will bow 10 iheir will, whatever it may lie.
upon the "sober second thought." (Applause ) —
Should Georgia determine to gooiit ol the Union, I. for
tine, though my views might nol agieej with iliein.
shall bow lo the will of her people. Their eau-e i-my
cause, sod their destiny ismy destiny; sod 1 truss"
this v ill be the ult mate cour-e of all. The greatest
curse thai ean befall a free people is civil » ,,. Sot,
as I said, let us call a Convention ol Ihe I p>- Lei
all these mailers be submitted to it. and when Ihe w.ll
ofa majority of ihe people nas thus been expressed
ihe whole Slate will preen' one uuanimo -s v..,re in
lavor of whatever may bo demanded, forl believe in
the power of the people to govern themselves who
wisdom pre ails and passion is silent.
Look at what has already been done by our people
lor iheir advancement in all thai ennobles n ' There
is no lung like ii in the history ol ihe world. Look
around from one extent of theerunlry 10 ihe other;
contemplate our greatness. W« sis sow among Ihe
first nations of the earth. Shall il be said, that our
instil in ion-, founded upon I be piineipl.■■> of --It-guv
erenieni. are a failure' Thus lar it is ■ sober esars
pie, worthy ol imitation. The gen le.n.m. Mr. Cobb,
the other night said it had proven a foillure in what !—
Ingrowth.' Look at our expense in national power
Lookat our population and increase in all ihal makes a
peoplegreat. A bvlure! Why, we are the admiration
of the oivilized world and present the brightest hopes
ofmankind Sosoeof our public men havs failed in
Iheir a-pirations : lhat i- true, lad from thai comes a
great part of our trouble- (Applause, j Bol iheir is no
failuie of this (iovernment yet. We have made grea'
advancement ander the Constitution, and I cannot bui
hope lhat we shall advance higher still. Lei U bs.
true to our trust.
\i.n-. when ihis Conventton assembles. If i I shall be
sailed a- I hope t may I.e. I would say. in vny judg-ment,
without dictation—forl am conferring with
you freely and franklv, and il is thus lhat I give Btjf
views—it should take into consideration all these ques
lions which distract rhe public mind j - mid view all
ihe groiin 1- ofsecesslon so far as the election of Mr.
Lincoln i-i-onceir.i d. and I have no doubt Ihal they
would say thai the constitutional steal ion of DO man
is a sufficient cause lo break up the Union, l>u> thai the
Male should wait iniiil he 11 least dues some unconsti-totioi
il set.
Mr. TOOMBS Commit somo overt a -it.
Mr. STEPHENS No. I did nol say that, 'flu-word
•overt" i-a soil ot technical term OMSK itedwith irea-son,
which has come to us from the mother c entry
and it means an open set of rebellion, i • tseehow
Mr Lincoln can do this unless he should levs. wai
I do not therefore, use the * >rd
think this Union a curse, and that we wou
oil without it. Ido not so think; if we can bring
about a correction of those evils which threaten us—
and 1 am not without hope lhat this may yet be done
—this appeal to goout, wiih all the provisions for good
that accompany it, 1 look upon as a great and 1 fear
a fatal temptation.
and you must nait to hear Irom ihe men ai the cross
roads and even the groceries; for the peopii in this
upon us .
Jo not intend to wail for thai. Bui 1 >i-> Ihe wold un-constitutional
act, which our people unie.-t ml much
beUer, and which expresses just wlial 1 wean i
tunicas he conforms to -.he Constitution be should be
Jef 1 to exercise the duties 01 nis office In g'.viag this
advice I am but sustaining ihe Consthotios ofmj ■††is
iry. and 1 do noi thereby become a '-Linools si a' men
either, (applause) but seoOBtUutionsI aid man. But
ihis matter the Convention can determine.
As to ihe other matur, I think we have a right to
pass retaliatory measures, provided ihej be in aeror-law
i- with the Constitution 01 the 1 ailed Klates, aim 1
■hink ihey ean be mam- such. Bai whether it shou d be
w,-c for this Legislslors '•• do this now Is ihe question.
To the Convention, in my judgment, this mailerou«bi
lobe 1 •■ erred. Before wo committed reprisals 1 .. Eng
land we Would exhaust every rre-n- ol Iningingabout
apeacelul solution of the ques ion. Thus did Genera
Jackson in the ca«e ol the French. He did not NCOSl
mend reprisals until he has treated with Franceand gal
her to promise io make indeiuuilicaiion: and it WSSoalj
on her relusal 10 pay the money- which -In ha promis-ed
thai he recommended reprisals. It was after nego-tiou
and failed I do think, therelore, that_ii wouW be
bes', beiore giing to extreme niea-uie. with our ron-teilerve
Status, to make tbe presentation of OBI de-mands,
to appeul lu their reason and jn Igmeet lo give
us our rights. Then if reason should noi tlituspfa it
will be time enough to commit i-pii-a'.H. an I wVSbouM
be justified in ihe eyes of a civilised world.
i'on stilution of our country. 1 should be willing" as a
las- resort to seveT the ties ef Ihis Union. (Applsuss )
y own opinion is lhat if this course be puirned. and
ihey are informed of the consequences of refmsal. laSSMJ
-tales Will recede, but if tbey should not, then le' the
■on«equcnces be with ihein, and let, the respons
if the consequences rest upon them.
There is another thing which I would huve that
Convan ion to do Ueilfirni the Geo'gis pisiform, wiih
in additional pla-ik in it. Let that plank be the fultl-
-nent of the obligations on the part of those Slates is
.-ep- at these obnoxious laws on condition of our re-naming
in the Urion. Give ihcm time lo con-il. r it,
Mid 1 would ask all States South 10 do the «ime Ihnsj
l am lor exh lusting all that patriotism ean i*en sad
before taking the I11M step. I wou'd nviie therelore.
South Carolina to a conference I would ask the UtaS
of all the other Southern States so that if Ihe evil bai
<ot beyond our control which Ood In Ids mercy gran-nay
not be the case, lei us not bedr i.led aimng nnr-
•hlves. (I'heem Bui. il po-sible. secure the united
•o oj,ej>itioii of all the Southern Stales, anil then in 'he
fice of ihe civilized world we ma" jumify our in
and wiih the arrant all on ihe other side SM Ma
pesl to the Cod 01 Halites lo aid us in our eau-e I, |
• pplaiise ) But let us not •;<, any rhincin which saw
portion of our people may charge us with r*«h • r kw**«
•iction It is certainly a matter of g-eat importun.-- to
'ear this Government asunder You were not «rn'
heie for Ihal purpose. I would wish ihewbnle Souih to
lie united if this is to be done: and I believe, if we
Doraae ihe policy which I huve indicated, llii- can he
•tTec-ed In thi- » i\- our sister Southern Stuips r-n
'ie induced lo set will. BSJ : and I have but liille il, ult
lhat Ihe Stale- ol New York and I'enn-i ITSIIII nnd
' M.io and the other Western Stales will compel tl.eir
Legislatures lo recede from their hostile s'litiideif the
others do not. Then with these wc would go on with-out
New Knglnml if she chose lo slay out.
A voice in the SSassnbly. We will kick Ihein oul.
Mr. Piursjasja, I would not kick them oui. but if
they chose to Stay mil they might I think, nion
thai these Northern Slates, being principally ens.
11 manufacture*, would find th.it iliev had as much in-terest
tn the Union under lha Constitution n« we. «nl
-hut they would return 10 Iheir const.'utioual duly: ibis
would be my hope. If they suoiild not, and htths tlida
die States and the Western States do not join us. we
should ai least have an undivided South I am, M feu
clearly perceive, for maintaining the Union n« it i-. '.t
possible I will exhaust every UtSanl Ih 11 to Sxniwisiu
il with an equalli :,. ..._ principles are thesei '
First, the BkSjUsiaaaa . -. ihs honor, the rights, the
equality, the set: -: glory of my n ,
in the Union; hut if Cc-..- -uunot be maintained in ihe
Union, then 1 am fcr thSff maintenance, at all hasarda,
out o| it Neil to the honor and glory of Georgia iho
land of my birth, [holdto the honor and glory of our
e.minion country. In Bfl vniii.:ih I WM in.el I to I
the repot torn, who very often Make me say thing- .
1 never did, thai I was fii-i for ll.c glory of the 1
c.ounlry. and next for lhat ol Georgia I I led Ihe ex.i.l
reverse of this. I am proud of her history, ef be
em standing. I am proud even of her motto, Which I
would have duly respected at the pre- 'lit I
ber sons—Wisdom, Justice, and Moderation. I
have her righls end lll.t of the Southern Males 111 tiii-t.
lined now upoL.' :..>•. Msr peoiUOn aowis
ju-i what it nas ... ..- Ms, was respect to the other 8
em Stales. then has been adopt
most, if net all i> J aches Southern Staaes. Sow I
would add but one additional pi ink to IS 11 platform,
which • have stated and one which lima h
be seeeass y. Ii all this (alls, ww shall at least have
the Batista) Uoa m knowing thai wc have dune our duly
and all lhat patriotism eoald reoatira
Mr. Srspnsifa continued for aosae listeoa »tht 1
ters. which are omitted, and then took his seal ■
great ap Isase.
On loud culls lor lion Henry R. Jackson Ihal r
■nan arose and addressed Ihe assembly fot
hour, mainly in opposition ' Die ''; the pueitiea
Mr. 8. Us have no report of bis reoaeika. tYbee bs
got through Mr. Sic, hens 10.11 10-0 :.r> 1 rij on In.
-iib-i.ii ,-e as lollow- :
He had hoped lhat what he said Bright haSVJ been 1 '-
milled to be Considered and retted <l upon by Ih" I 10
whom it bad been addressed in thai spirit M ro
will, which it had been leliverid lie hid • oi o I .
what he eoiil'l lo all'iy exeiie in nt, ami la b'l tli • Ii-i-passionate
judgsseni oi the members of the I.-
have ii- own Bourse, 1 Ipesi oas er iwt. pusnis only ;
would he reply I,-me geiilleaaea
The ipeaket (Mi. .links 10 1 bad said ihal 1 1 |
01 aaeietit Greece and Itoane had l»-t isnirlib
when they refused I" fish' I .r Idem. No. Bay 0 .uiiiry-uieii.
said Mr Siepl.eii- ihey |.aw their liberties whos ]
ihey fell .1 prey I 1 111.era il Ii- eu-1,11- 1.11,11;- in >u-adves
As long as thejr were united sslungaa ll
On.mli. and Bparts, and ethers <>•■ law Avphye
league acted harm inloualr.thei sreresa iretbaa 1
for any enemi tba everoasaeaaainsttheui i
lip of Miiced'oii ami aware of, and his poUey le
ihem wee lo sow strife amongst tbess HUmolio »■■• 1
to di'ide and conquer. Civil at rlfo was the
Greece's overthrow; soil «»• with Rosas Ii »
suite between Marias and Bylla, Peoapejr and (
and ihe sivll Ware lhat eaWUSd thai Caused the
inrow ol that great nepubtk. It was when ihe-i
parties for Mm IUS and ByUa, mil !or Cmsur ami
aej. m.d ii 'tn- for Rome, and these panUi got 10
inganiongsl themselves, thai the libeitlss ot the 1
were lost—that their constitution was uesiroyed. It
bad been so 111 Prance and til other RasvubUi ■ †>
Is in lads sad condition now The bin -k.-t f
bietort of the world eras ihal ou which were recorled
the butcheries In tbe French Revolution eommiiK
esefa faction so the othei as they suoeessl ely triumph- .
ed In I urn. lk-sinonline. Danloii. Itolii-pi'ire ni » Bl
to ihe guillotine. So It may be in this esnslry. Oir
people are by satai.- so belter than other-, whet
human passiem areones sjibridlsd, SJ a beoeeae liille
better than nends. Liberty was sever the frail ol
strifes Mr 8 made an earnest sppeal le all
withers of tbe pence of society, to all his sndord
to keep cool and not let axcitosaeul Inttusnin Iheir
sound judgment.
Some allusion was made lo Mr Brecklnridge.
' "Mr. Braruss « said Ibsl bs bad sees ll at tied thai be
ming South Is add Ihe people in b 1
serving the Union If it ooeld be dons. He did set 11
whether ii SJSJ tens or not. Mr. Teosahs - lid .1 » is
not true. Mr.Stephen! said be did not know wL
it was or not. Such a telegraphic dispatch I ,
published
Rome question wss asked about Mr D sgta
-wee to the Norfolk ques ion-
Mr. Sn.iiii.Ns -aid Mr. Douglas had Said, il
stance, thsl 'he bare election of any 11,111 lo the I'll
dency wss not s cause for sState to * If Mr.
Lincoln should be sleeted he ought lobe Inaugurate-]
and sustained Is -.11 his constitutions! sett. B •
listed the Constitution, thtn he would aid In
ing him higher than .lie Virginians hung John Bl '•>
.M.-. Brecklnridge had not answered ihossqnestii 1
Mr. Stephens look it for granted ihal he 1
Mr. Douglas, for he considered in hi- Lexington speei
,1 suspicion of his entertaining disunion teuihni
imputation on his ebaraeter. Id-treated with i
ty such a ehurpe: and his supporters in Georgia bad
certain!! run him upon the avowal every whets
ttll- .1 Illi ll' :
Mr. Sihi'lii ss "poke ab "Ut fifteen minutes, er- |
lo,. assas OII.T points in reply Is Mr. Jasks.
agiin concluded amidM great applause Thea,.
■ben dispersed quietly.
II SPRING
I < 111:1 w
SESSION oi I s. 1
1 rt'S'itsilioro
SION ol 1 -- first Tin-day 111 January, and elosS bn 1
« ..Ileus- - THI
■ ;,n on l!ie
lliiidl
rhwrsday in'May. Then" will he no sTlhtervsi
The regular exere'.«es of ih- Cottage will be M«| I I
only a lew days at CmUlmaa.
There will lie vaesn^iei sell Session for other pnpi's
These wishing tw ssnd their sWaghtatw will plsnst bai
101 in the subscriber ■• as early day.
Terms as heretofore, For full particulars sp|
„OT32 T. M '"V - J
\\T C.DOXlaEl.sVS I'liulograi.liU I...I-vv
• |*>a*y is now opsnod. and Caineolypea, Mi
types,and AMBROTYl'KS, which cannot bs -nip |
lor DURABILITY and BKAUTY are tohsu in 1 |
Pins and ( uses, lo suil Ihe tastes and psraSS ol .
Having permanently located in Oreensl.orougb, lb
coundei.ily expect a liberal palroimgc.
Bkaf Call and eiSSShsS Specimen-, and ','■...'
Prues. Kooiiis formerly occupied by .1 Si,11 II
ond slory of Uarreil's brick building, tt'.st Mark'
Qreensboreugh, N C. Bent., I now,
llrcuH CiOOdH.— In all Ihe v 1
)l o
single, double and long Shawls plain au 1
ISMllr*' .
i for Inl' and »inter. A uinginhVeiii lot |
country, whether at the cross-roads or the troccru-s.
whether in coit-iges are palaces, are all SOU* tod they ['T^^Z^^li you"r grievances, are. and if Look'.l ihem bafu.c you buy elsewh.,.
are the.sovereigns in this country. boTemg,,,. 1 »«' ^ h;J^'sk ^J^' ^'Jwflghu o^ toe ,*... U. G. EINlKtAi
in the Legislature. VVe, ihe people, are the so., SIJJS. J they reluse, as t saw, ujgivo u» w— a j