The Greensborough patriot [June 8, 1860]

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SPEECH
or
ONCRABLE J. J. CRITTENDEN,
OF KENTUCKY,
rii Hit Sr.natr, Friday, May 25th, 1S60.
i.il ilie consideration 01 the resolu-
■l.y Mr. l»;ivis on the 1st of March, 1800.
i jtciity of the Sta'es, the rights of all
. migrate to the Territories with slave
. nig Lite power of Congress or a Ter-
. uii' lo interfere with this right.
; i-ident, it is not my purpose to
Jech. I have no prepared speech,
* nitration for a speech. 1 de&ire
Juvss my views in relation to cer-ilar
questions that have been pre-i
some prominence in the course
debate; and one of the most in-u
i>d importantol those questions is
J affects the relation existing be-
. i< i-riturial government and the (fuv-ntottbe
United Slates. It is sup-
- •;;-. aa it seems, that those terri-
. rhmente, when organized under
rity of Congress, have certain in-t
powers of their own, not confer-h
-retii in them, as a sort of sov-ject,
the Supreme Court of the United States enough under the domestic legislation of the
having determined that every citizen of the
U. S. may go into that Territory carry-
Territory.
hie. -vhon.in 1854, chat great measure of
hag his slaves with him, and holding them the repeal of Missouri compromise was adop-thore,
my opinion is, that the Constitution is j led by the Congress of the United States, one
to protect that property which it has author- . of its premised benefits was, that it should
ized to go there. Of course, that is a logi- remove froin the. Halls of Congress, and from
cal conclusion. It seems to me it is nnques- J all national controversy or discussion, the
tionable. To assert my right to go there,
to_carry my properly there, and tojenjoy that
properly, and then to say therein anybody
stronger or mightier or mure sovereign than
the Constitution that can take from me that
which the Constitution says 1 shall have and
question of slavery. That was supposed to
bconeof the benefits that would result. It was
to transferal! those question to the Territo-ries;
make them local instead of national
questions; making the disturbance local to
t he Territory, and not national, to extend
enjoy, or shall expel me from the place where j throughout the limits of the whole Republic,
the Constitution -a\ - 1 may go, 1 can imag-ine
nothing so inconsistent and so coiurudic
tory. Its ay, therefore, when tins proper or
extreme case occurs, when property going
there under the sanction of the Constitution,
as interpreted by the Supremo Court of the
United ritates, shall require such interposi-tion,
that it is the duty of Congress lo inter-pose
and grant protection. Give it, and
give ii adequately. That is my opinion.
But still there is much to he considered in
relation lo this subject. When your property
goes there; when it cor.stitues a part of the
political community ; and when a limited
control over that property is given to a ter-ritorial
government, who is to make police
laws to regulate such property ''. Is it not in
every case, a question of expediency, wheth-er
this Government will interfere? Here is
a community made up of citizens differing in '
That was one of the promised benefits of that
measure: and if it had tended even to accom-plish
that olject much more if it had accom-plished
it, it would have been a great benefit
to this country. You framed the Kansas-
Nebraska bill with that view. You gave
them large powers of self-government. To
be sure they were, as of necessity they must
be, subject to this Government, liable to be
changed or taken away at any time it was
thought proper by this Government to do
so ; but still, youdid it with the very purpose
of transferring all these shivery questions to
them. Sir, the act itself has nol produced
the promised consequences; hut when wo
look back to it, and when wc Interpret it, we
must know that was one ol the purposes and
objects in view of the legislators who passed
thai bill.
The effects of that law have been modified,
to he sure, by the decision of the Supreme
ment, when to interpose, and when not to
interpose.
It may be said, upon principle in general,
that the local government is the government
best qualified to take care of the local inter-ests
of the country in which they govern —
Here is one subject, however, placed beyond
their control—sla\e-y. They are taught
that ibis is property, and entitled to protec-tion
as such. I do not mean lo make any ques-tion
about property in slaves or property in
the service of slaves. It iaall one-ana the same
thing; and I imagine that the slaveholder does
not care how it is denominated so that sub
Mr. President, - speak of these supjects j your side who may strike ; that there are
with a judgment as arm and determined as ' others not so enlightened, intelligent, or for-niyjudgment
iscapabljor susceptible of, but bearing, who. urged on by your own very
without any unkindness, much less with acri- doctrines, will take upon them
mony. I am ono of those who would desire
before I make my ottering even to be recon-ciled
to my brother- Men must no supposed
loIntend ail Lnat their acts lend to produce.
They are the author of them whether they
hold themselves responsible or not. They
are not more responsible for the act they do.
than they are for the iatural, probable, ensu-ing
consequences of the act. There have been
indiscretion's on all sides. The blame has not
Is there any case now demanding an inter-ference
I This resolution supposes not; Ij
suppose not. I suppose that there is no ex-1
isting case in which Congress would think '
it wise or expedient now o interfere by the .
exercise of its admitted power of interposi- I
tion when necessary. Would it be policy in
Congress 10 interpose except in an extreme
of it is left to him. It the gentlemen on tho
other side of the Chamber reject the idea ol
property in man, and say thut it is but prop-ty
in the service of man, as service is all that
can be obtained from the slaves, it is perfect
ly equivalent, in my judgment, aad for one,
1 would be perfectly satisfied with that!
Thai property is to bo protected, and must
be protected, when necessary; but I conless,
like the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr.
Toomhs,] I should be very slow to interpose
the positive authority of this Government,
unless ! he case was one imperiously and by
necessity, as it were, demanding it. I would
try other means, even to the abolition of the
territorial government, and a change of its
form, a change of its administrators ; but pro-tection
at last the man is entitled to; and it
the Government cannot give it to him, or
thinks it would be detrimental to the inter-ests
of tho nation to forbear in consequence
of great national evils that might be antici-pated,
let them pursue lhat policy. The sa-lui
pnpvli is at last the great law of all com-muulies,
of all nation.-. It must influence our
interpretations aud our consideration of till
questions ..; mere expediency. If the Gov-ernment
does not think proper to interfere
and furnish protection, let the Government
indemnify the citizen for the wrongs he has
suffered. There might be cases of lhat sot l.
Hut. sir 1 did not intend to go into these
act could not confer the power of expelling imaginary cases. That was ndt toy purpose.
stance of his right to b • practical enjoyment ' been on one side, so far as ill language and
er of Congress to have granted such a power.
It was nut known whether it wan in the pow-er
of Congress or not. The case of Dred
Scott was then depending, and not decided.
The case of Dred Scott determines lhat Con-gress
had not the power, and of course could
not, by the Kansas act, give it. The Kansas
I'I.-UOI tL* Cha'huwoci i.iMtli'
FACTS: FACCiJ!! FACTO!!!
It is a /'■'<■'.'—That when the l> 'inn 'i
party came in power in 1858, national |
pervaded tho entire body politic; the Al
t.on vote had been decreased n*
tor
pon themselves the law-less
and the murderous task, by their own
means and their own bloody hands, of enforc
ing your doctrines? You have found lhat I °y the wise and conservative co.ir-e (
in one instance ; vou may find it in others;! Fdlmore: the public debt hi 1 b
and of what advantage is all this? None ;»|J» surplus was left in tho National free*
that I can see. 1 know you, gentlemen; ury
and I know that there is not one of you here
who would countenance such an act. 1 know
it would not be more abhorrent to me than
it would bo to you. But when you see thai
It ii a Fart:—rhut the Don •>■ >rat I a |
leaders declared iii lsls lhat '*th< r • i : ! he
no Union of ihe Democracy wh
ery question was recogni.-.od as a legitimate.
mutual reproaches are concerned ;it has been
on all sides. The controversy of bitier words
once commenced spreads everywhere, though
yon may not be able to find the beginning
of it.
But now, if what I have said in relation to
the probability of slavery desiring or seeking
lo bo carried into these Territories bo at all
true, what reason is there for your pursuing a
policy which the circumstances of Kansas did
at one time seem to give some plausibility to?
That is settled. That was the great cause
which led you to action. It so proclaimed.—
Tho object was to repair tho wrong done to
Kansas by the repeal of tho Missouri com-promise,
or iy consequence of it. That was
tho mischief complained of. To redress that
A-as the ground on which this now powerful
and great party arrayed itself. That you
have accomplished. You have accomplished
it by ways and means that must have been
disagreeable ii'i their consequences. You saw
that it offended your brethren; you saw that
it injured your brethren. The discussion of
such a subject, pressed to their very borders,
pressed over their borders, and among their
slaves, could not be otherwise than hurtlul,
as well as offensive. As States of this Union,
these things will follow in the course of that | parly isane.'
great host which you lead oo in political \ «*•*•*/—What they declared in I
warfare, and that they will act, as they sup-' t,,!,t "when the Bait.mure Convent
pose, upon your own lossons and I—twt | l*0*] assembled, the .Democratic part}
tions ; though perhaps misinterpreted, and ' ■P,lt UP into thrve distinct divisions, ii
do the mischief that you would scorn; that
they will do tho mischief that may be fatal
to the peace of their country ; that ono hand
ma}' bold tho brand that burns down the
temple. When you know that there is such
a danger as that upon you, a danger that
you cannot suppress, does it not show you
tho necessity of a more temperate and mod-erate
course on this subject? Imitate tne
action of our fathers. You often appeal to
the fathers, and it is a sacred appeal that
ought to go to ever}- heart. You appeal to
the fathers: from 1700 down to 1835, for
forty-five long years, did our fathers over
breathe out dissension or agitation in this
land on this subject ? I cite this merely to
show that the thing may be done, and it has
been done. It was done by our fathers;
and are we so degenerate already that we
cannot do the same thing ?
We have got into mutual c:;cilemet.ts on
this subject, mutual rights, mutual wrongs;
and 1 will not stop here now to inquiro who
is most to blame. I might find fault with
powers are liable to be resumed at
. or to bo fashioned and controlled
- il at the pleasure of Congress, and
.... io its discretion. Of course, there
ly soon to pass away
-O* M
Js it of such magni-tude
as to require your interposition ? Thex*
are considerations that must always enter
I into that auestion of expediency when i1 is
.arncleof «™™P«* presented to Congress; and it is grateful .
Territory; all is a mere delega me to be able to say, as gentlemen seem to
in subordination at all times
Congress of the United States. I
••.i./'no B ivercignty in this country, no
political power, except that origin-n
the people of tho United States.
r are the natural depositaries, they are
. uial ownersofeverything like supreme
rsovereignty. They have, to form
nmeiit, delegated a certain por-sovcreignty
to (he Congress of
te ! Siates. The whole, then, of this
. exists, as to that part not delc-the
people. As to that which they
-and, that is in Congress; and,
io disposition of tho whole sover- slight grounds.
[ircme power of this country. None.'
lelcgated to any ono else. None,
. - been delegated lo tho ttrrito-l
■ :i(s.
are, as 1 first stated, thf» mere crea-
1 Agrees, without any power, any
t.pt what Congress, by the act
admit here, lhat there is now no ncc - tt,
for such an interposition. Exact right may
not be done; exact treatment may not be ex-tended
to slaveholders in Territories where
there is a great majority of Republicans : but
still they are not of such magnitude as to
justify a great national movement on the
subject. There is a maxim that it is better
that a particular wrong should be endured
than a great public inconvenience incurred.
That is the law at least, whether t» be ap-plied
literally or not. I quote it merely as a ^-0
warning to us not to interfere upon too
I admii, the right to inter
the duty io interfere
wi
pn
00
act on all subjects < ■:' rightful legislation "
Whal exception can yon make to the gener-
... .. „i wers ? The constitution, as;
iuhiM qn ly interpreted by the federal
ackn wledgc, declares that slavery,
i.sin a : I !-. islation on the part of
• !. i gress.
Mr. President,] do nol want to enlarge
it is to ihis Government—-its Governor liable
lo he turned out, its judges liable to bo ali
turned oat by th, President in & moment—
would . ke upon itsell, i;> tho very face of the
decision of tho Supreme Court ot the United
Siatet.. to legislate against slavery, for the
purpose ot destroying or impairing the value
of ihe property oi one ol their fellow-citizens
subject. My object is to be as brief Would' the Governor allow it so tar as ie
as possible, t say, then, I assume that, and ; t.c„|,] ht,|p jt? Would the judges allow it,
I shall vote for that resolution. 1 do not see wyt~n lne 0'ertain knowledge that their remov-that
that n solution has proclaimed a caoe ^ trom office would be, as it ought to be, the
which would "authorize Congress to under- con8equenco of such a departure from their
take the responsibility of now interposing ,|ulyv There would oe a just apprehension
and now legislating for the-protection of sla- on j,^ partofthe whole Territory that the
Government who
given these large powers, the priv-
.r e DO such knowledge myself.— ilege Of exercising a sort of st If government,
been oroclaimed here, and
do not know that them are not sul- (government of the United States, win
ficientlaws now for its protection inanyTer „;„„„ them thesolartre nowers, and th
ritory
such case has proclaimed 1,',77,-ht take awav ; o\\ •!• from the hands ol
the resolutions are to lay the foundations of tuoae wjj0 defied the public authority, and
remedies for eases to arise hereafter. If there Rbused the trust with which they had been
in tho languago ol these resolutions, they I you but I do not choose now to stop here and
considered iluimselvesr pledged to hold fast to : make the inquiry, whether you are most to
and to give ajl necessary aid and comfort to '■■ blame or your brethern of the South You
every State w;th whicii they were associated are both, no doubt, to blame The sooner
in the Union,—to all their sister States; to j wo can put an end to this strife, the better,
use that latifghagc v-hich signifies affection-! 1 am of those who believe confidently in this
ate relations.'; But i.i inconsistent^ with, Union: it political stability, its everlasting
whether or riot in violation of, those rela- powcrand stability. Though wc talk lightly
lions, wliethei' falsely OT inadvertently done, I about its overthrow, il is not to be over-you
brought these heated discussions up to [ thrown. It has a foundation too broad. Wi-llie
very borders of your sister States. The ■ can well turn over this world, and say this
voice went abroad through their land of ai Government occupies a large portion of it.—
character calculated to produce insurrection, ; This Government has the whole land for its
calculated to jiroduce every crime known to ' foundation; and every true heart within that
us. Wad this) right? You say you have a land is one of the pillars to sustain it; and
right to discasd the morality of every subject every true hand, one of the land by which i:
that affects Bnjy of your countrymen, in or . is to be maintained and defeneed, whether
tier to inform hem and reason with them.— North or South! Why, then, shall we, bound
As a genera, (.imposition it is true, and such together by su^h noble —■lim—M as well as
admonition ouj^ht. perhaps, to be thankfully by such great and controlling interests, uiak<
received. Bui, ihis io a case whore every little quarrels now to bi ing our peace, at an_\
man must BCf exceptional reasons apply.— rate, to the very verge of ruin, and, humanl}
This is an exception. Would a military speaking, to bring our country in danger,
man', a eommander-in-chief, be justified in and our Union and our Constitution '! '1 he
acting upon this doctrine of allowing every Constitution and Ihe Union are ono and tin
evil to bo denounced, and giving a free and . same thing. You must preserve both, or
unlimited and- chartered right to all who neither is preserved. The one rests on the
choose to discuss these evils; lo give out their: other. It is this very Government, this iden-own
undigested ideas, foreign ideas, novel . tical Government, that makes all this grenl
(leas, in order to infl.ienco others t Woild country ours; that makes this Amori'-.-tn lib
that be tolerated in a camp? Suppose one erty which we enjoy, our liberty. Shall we
of tho good men of tie world now, who is ' fritter away in liltio broils and petty contro-the
advocate :of universal peace, and looks j verties, as they are, all these /-real gifts, all
upon war as tl|e greatest of all human crimes , these great endowments which wo have re-
—suppose onoof those apostles of peace were ceived from our fathers and that Providence
- rthat government, has pleased to
[that always held at the arbitru-i
There can be none other.
I j pi tee in our written system of
- i. The .people is tho original and
source of all this sovereignty.—
'Tj theui except whal th< y have
i-tity have -jranted no portion ot
t tl the General Government. Cer
•j hate grunted none to tne terri-rrnHicnts.
The whole practical
: tv «»fthe country over its Territo-
. ii tbe Congress oi tho United
then; what they bavejrranted to the
belongs to the Territories, and
; •. That is my idea on this sub-tigress,
iii constituting tho terrilo-
•. • it, may grant jusi so much as
■;i in. power of legislation, and
bower t ■ govern, to the territorial
ft, and the territorial govern-iay[
exercise whatever is granted to
' ■ Duress had the power, for instance,
.•r extending slavery from the
% they might grant even that to
ral government.
«(ting ai y more time upon this sub-
' ■ † t • call the attention of the Sen-
>! if to a calm consideration of
■rue at which these resolutions
■† iml for the correction of vbich
' mended. What is that. sir ? The
■■' t••'•jjii-'iucl ■ t is that slave prop-
Territories is left, not only with-
■ • pri tection, Or may be left with
. •• protection, but may be left to
■>t the territorial government ira-
'" ■ fhtof property in slaves. That
• nee. It is in apprehension thai
' .'. •- will not give laws adequate to
■ of such properly, but on the
against that property by
iendly legislation. That is
■† • tided evil. I believe my bonora-
' . ;.• Mississippi, who introduced
. iid at the lime he propos-
.. .. • that there existed now no ac-
• • ■■††calling for the interposition of
• "' :•>• lit.
■■†••' As my friend from Kentucky
■• • i would merely say that I did
• '.' . to admit or deny the fact
• ••.*.. declaration of principle to
'• ..•• with the existence of our (iov-
• : •■ † xtensive with the whole
• : • • sarily dependent upon the
' •• t iu relation to any particular
. »' i neither intended to admit or
• .
willnotconeistinindividual instancesorcases. | 0hief;»nd yet forbearaVi give redress. That
The question of ihe right ufsuoh property to w,,„|,; ,,„,,,:lVe been bis course inhere was
beheld audio exist in a Territory is sofirm- ;U1 r.i;, :u._, case_ There is no ca.se now;
ly established thai I cannot conceive any t|_,lv can arise no case hereafter, because
territorial Legislature will, so far, consider lip.,.,. ig ,,u Territory to which slavery is Ilke-iteeIf
warranted in usurping the power of ex- ly to go.
To nroduce the grievance, what must oc-cur
'. ' io produce the grievance not now ex-isting,
in an}- future Territory, or in any
Territory now existing, wc must suppose it
to be so desirable as to allure slaveholders
with their slaves to settle in the it. Is there
any probability of that? Where is the Ter-ritory
to which it will go? Well, sir, you
may make fiat im|* bable conjecture; but
peiling the slaves w Inch the Constitution has
said, by interpretation of the Pedoral court,
to be sure, may be carried and may be held
there. That would require only that we
should repeal that law. That 1 would be
perfectly willing to do.
I think therefore, sir, if there is no case
existing now, it will be still less likely to ex-ist
hereafter. All this debate, all this ear-nest
and zealous and heated controversy is I that will not raise the case. You must sup-merely
in prospect of an evil which is only j (,osl. that, when the slaves have been carried
apprehended. None exists When is it like- io this new Territory, the Legislature of the *
ly to exist, and whore? With everyday I ^ territorial government will act hostilely to-trust
the danger ot such a necessity is. di-! wards it, and, by unfriendly legislation,_ at
tion of the property of their neighbors? I
want Ihe people of the United Mates io con-sider
aM these things, and subdnc the alarm
which they now feel, as tin ugh there were
an instant overhanging danger upon the
eountry.
Sir, there is nothing so hnWveUiis in the
history of the country, under us present
aspect", as the agnation which uow exists
throughout its borders, compared with the
general prosperity which prevails. In all Us
glorious progress, dfd ever this country exhi-bit
a fairer picture of human prosperity and
human happiness than it does to-day? Na-ture
has be*tOW«d all her bounties. This is a
land of phnty and abuudance, without weight
or measure ; ihe freest Government on earth.
What citizen of this Republic is unlawfully
imprisoned todav.froui one end ofthiscoun-
Othert What white man can say
with all his eloquence to tho soldiers tho influences full of mischief, not intended by
gmat virtue of-deserting tho standard of j you, but operating upon the mind ol the
i heir country, and of being ministers ol the i more enthusiastic and superstitous. I de
-/real peace system, which they wouWaecom-j plore this strife, I sec the mieehief. Tint
plish some part of by running away from j mischief wiH continually increase. It is ol
their country's standard ; by rising in muti-j mischiefto increase. It grows by what it
ny, and puttin" n end to those officers who, fjeds on the Constitution and the institutions
it not destroyed, might be .ourting wars of the country. It feeds on the heart* of
hereafter to teach them tho tyranny that our countrymen. It is there to corrode; il
was exercised over them by their officers, | is there to displace all kindly and affectionate
and say to them, -you are here inveigled in-; feelings which ought to unite us as coontry-to
cant]) for a few dollars; you are, in the ' men, and to put in a poison that shallI create
morning, drilled by tho sargeant; you arc : nothing but spleen and enmity. That is what
made to hold yourselves in this way, and in this question feeds on ; and, feeding on teat,
hat way, and to play the very slave before it will continue to grow more loathsome and
lim; now, can you as freemen bear this; rise, more detestable aud more dangerous day b\
tl
assert your rights, and make your way to | day.
peace everywhere over the land." What is
the difference between that and tho course
to which 1 have just alluded?
One Brick Wrong.—Workmen were recent-ly
building a large brick tower, which was
versy whatever about slavery is likely to I to get a case of which this grievance can arise
arise? Kansas disposed of, does there re-1 What apprehension is there, then,to be j
main an} territory to which slavery ii invi- entertained ofan evil depending upon so
led would go? 1 know ol none. 1 will not ny improbable events-ma
u that can only i
has
this
affirm it is so exactly in regard to every por-tion
of our territory, but I believe there is
none of sufficient importance to form aStaie
,.:•. trom so many contingencies? We
must bo prompt, we must be proneas well
nipt, it seems, to controversy, if we
this prosperity.
The Republican party, it seems to me.
taken seine progiess; but I must say
beautiful picture of peace and happiness has
received its only wound from the agitation
which they havemainiained on the subject of
I say this in a spirit of the most | after having accomplished the object which ; '^ ^ w>„.kllloI, „, ,.,ull in
We enter on a cause pro- j it put forth to the world as its only Object, j
slavery.
wo owe our party are as nothing; yet in prac-tic
we seem 'o place thein above the groat
duty to our country.
Now 1 Bee that ihis one of the great par-ties
cf the country to which I have alluded,
' tin
cr had been carried up about fifty feet, there
was heard a tremendous crash. Tho build
ing had fa'len, burying the men in tho ruins.
All tho previous work was lose, the materials
wasted, and, worse still, valuable lives were
sacrificed, and all from one brick laid wrong
this
the
" '.IA-. I understand the gen-
. * The amendment which is pro-a['
d which is now the immediate sub-
• IL. , declares that there \% such ex-
-' ranee at the present moraont. It
1 ■ >rding to the resolution itself, an
dedor prospective mischief against
'• puwer of this Government is to be
'* I r the purpose of securing that
•f property in the Territories,
■•••i ..rial government has no sjver
Jt .idepuhdeut right to act on this sub-e'vils
that do not exist.' Shall wo q
about remidies for evils lhat nol only do not wiong has been done lo A, u, or c, in
'exist but which it is not probableever will property of his slaves, but the question will
exUt "' Is thai wisdom? When shall we be bolbcn one of groat national expediency
freed "from tronbe, if this bo the coarse of with a jui n gard for the rights of tndivul-policy
to be pursued ? Ifit iaaaid to be wise
to look for ahead of us to anticipate evil, and
by anticipating it, preventing it, the question
is, shall we anticipate the evil for the pur-tho
necessity of the case to use the word "slave-ry"
here—while you stand thus, you disturb
pose of making a qnarell over it now—a quar-rel
over a future cai<M of quarrel that we
I
barely apprehend, and WfcWl may never oe- tios, Oi each. Ill;
cur? 1 want the people ofthe Uiiite'd States | ment, ana the^ su
to understand this thing. I want the slave-holder
to know, that though there may be
slaveholders and slaves in Territories now
existing, and territorial governments now
exi-iiu>£, yet there lias occured no necessity
fortbe intcrpositiou ol this Government; lhat
all. so far, has gone on well aud quietly
he Picture Is the re an v real or substantial [ as you stand array, -d In that way
causeloTnursuTga oourse in politics that j borders of your si-ter States where savt
w^steiaTnowgha9 led to tins discontent ists-an.t 1 regret to be compelled bv
upd this alienation '.' 1* there any object that
uals, with ajiojtand saered determination io you can accomplish by it that '* •"-•''J wf,|'| j j
main, in thein under all proper circumstan-; iBat? Is there any price too high f..i th... ilieii .«.«t ) {i ' ■ ■ M ^
. : .,- I hold that Government is made tor < which will purchase the restoration ot kind- li^«^*'" g^^S^lta MnM of
: ■ protecli. t rigBts. Government is but | ness and natural alibclion with a bro her with
the combination of the powers ofail to protect '. whom we have been offended .' what pine
the i igfcts, and 19 protect the live and liber- j would yon not set upon Uiat. and what sac-rifice
wottid you not make lor it ? ion are
told if you are at the altar ready with yourl their rig
I.
n
the body waslound in a creek near by. It
appeared that he had been shot in the aids
apparently with a pistol, making but a slight
Thai is tho origin of Govern-sub.
stanee and end of true
Government; but still there must be pru-dii-
ice in management of that Government-—
There a thousand considerations that the
legislator has to 1 tike into view. Tho inter-ests
of all arc concerned So it is with every
question of expediency ; and this must be a
questiou ol expediency, also with this Gov-1 that, North aud South.
who keep up this party for the purpose
its poliiical nwards and its political honors, i
do not intend really to do any actual
Chief to the other States. You acknowie
us; you detiare against
these ' rights ; but
tbe inva-declaration
wound, when he either Ml offor was dragged
off his horse and his head neaten with a StolH
tui he was dead. The body was then place.:
.0 usackaad carried to the creek Suspicion
having been excited uguiiiot two of iiis USgru
men, they were arrested and al edge lhat the
i,f0 i murder was committed by a runaway negr<
1 *iih their knowledge, however.
Mr. Chambers was between 50 and «»'
rard to the slavery lam
ir essential BMtHtrsj it was a suit. Tl
three divisions autartalned ■'11 i-. real .. I ir-reconcilable
opinions as to the n i
laws passed in I860, for tbe setth tn<
slavery question. One portion oordiaKj
proved the Compromise measures as d
justice to both seel ions o| the Union:
er portion denounced th
ly unjust to the rights of the South
ihe third portion repudiates th in
alleged eoncession to the rights ol tit.
Jt is a I'oct.'—That the Oi nto iral
in 1855, passed such a resolution on tbe
ery question as to permit Stephen \;
Douglas and tho Northern Democracy to •
jus1 fly Squatter Sovereignty, r. doel rlne mo. o
odious to the South than the Will lot r*l
and more destructive in
than Seward's Congressional prohibit!
It is a Fact.'—That the Demm rati
professed to regard the Compromisi
urcs as a final settlemet.t of the
tion.
A ted tact.'—That Franklin Pi
first message to Congress, oongr
coiumittee on the adoption ol the C
mine measures, and pledged bis ■ >m r
to faithfully carry out its provisiuiis h
AdminiHiration, and.
It its a Fact !—That almost b
bad dried, he violated this solemn pi *
advocating the iniquitous Kansas bi
all its "glittering generalities."'
It is a Fact.'—That this bill was tl
eian horse by which armed ire—on
smuggled into the South !
Ii is a Fact!—That the !' i
has furnished every Abolition ran
has ever in idi> (he race 1 i i
Jfisa Hut#— That the tiilbor o! |
mot I'rovi-o is a Dumwcrat
Jt is a Flit.'—That the author ol th<
stead lull is u Democrat.
It is a Fact /—Thai in.- Admit
iruckled to the advocates 1
Utah Territory.
HitaFaett—That the td« iniStration
proscribed nicii lor Voting for whom
pleased.
It it a Fut'.— That Ihe wishc
pie have been thwarted by th■• Ad I
iion'n appointing ever\- indivi 1 ■ i -. I \\ <
a—Vdefeated by them to sonio office
ponsibility and emulumofll
It it a Fi't.' —That part}- new -;
been sustained out ot llie p«op| ■"■ ,
ItisaFuel!—ThatJas Baehaua
to have his alleged ts«»rrupiion ea
-vhich is priii"i far,, eviduuo ol a It,
It it a Fact.'—'I'h-.t u Donmcralic
from Texas declares that to be a IIOI
a crime. This proves thai ih- Del
d . not believe that a poor man isbnn
It it a Fan.'—That ifr Ni ,
that a man who owns land isabettei
than one who owns none—tllUH ,
leading Democrats I lha. a p
does not love his country '.
It ix a Vketl—That a majority
cratie members of Congress from tbi
are the advocates of adtfutolaliou of the
ion if S certain party—.-, part] of its
making—shall elect their I',
date.
It is a Fact.'—That tl. i I'
ben of Congress, and tbe htopubl
continually making Abolitl Disunion «
speeches, when there iano]
before the oounlry.
It is a Fact.'—That Won :
dares that he had rather see a ! I
elected President than any n i
ho believes when the I BOO ratl
ted agitation will Ct use.
It is a Fa,'!—Thatthe Democra
of the North and that of the
widely separated in j,
poles.
It is a Fart.'—That i1 I
are not agreed on any one
except the}-intend to bare i
fice though the heavens fall
These are onlj n few of the f
can will be •etabliabed
diction on each and all of tbl M l
yet the Democratic leaden n I
men to vote for the Charleston nomii
Reader, will yon do It? We w
cannot.
— m ♦† ■ — •
Hold Him to It.
As the candidates for Governor
West ward, His Excellency I
I ics to deny that be compared i. •
the W.st to a borne laei h,
A as give, give, give ; iiiel those < :
to the goose that lays the p
wc were pr- -ent al the <l -<•
Pll mouth,on the'.lln .-I .\t, ,,
ilively amort that be did evinpat
ii people toa horse hi li
raaglve, give, givej and those ol
M the goose that l.t' - ' i '•
repeat, reiterate aiel re: MM ri I
poaitive ami cannot be atiatake
. words u-<d, lor wbeM be in.
eral, ungenerous com] iri*oi . . ,
tl at the people I I th< West
rixccll •ncy h—I, tor t'
nd thai wo intended (•> wnu
flint he Qoed l m- sai.. . - ,
ens-ion al Gat. 1-\:
Icaat sh id'.w of a I "i1
u.on of bi th parties i ,
moon Is if honest in II s !.
e pi oplc oi the K.i
brethren are hurm
i he last drop of blood
i be hope ol o lining a fow roti
\\'<-' and attempt t »dcny il Hi
jnay deny and oquivoo iii :
heard him say it, and i'
liim as light as the sl'irt ot \>
ington Timct.
I