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Ktm^^^amm 7ZZZZf*r mi mil -^», . i ■ t xttn • atral py SHERWOOD & LONG. & jpamilu Xrtospaprr—Bcbotrti to 3Litrtature, Agriculture, iHauufacturcs, Commerce, anil JFHisrcllanrous drafting. TERMS—$2.00 IN ADVANCE VOL. XXII. GEEENSBOROTJaH,. N. C, JTTNE 8, I860 ~ ■ ■† '■ †'i ■**- ■ ■'- - ISTO. 1090. '['.: LvccnsborongK Patriot. SHI JAMKS A. LOSO. ■;i!WOOD & LONG, BUITORS AND PROPRIETORS. .,,j, <ZMO A YEAR, IS ADYANCE. ClTll (IF ADVERTISING IN' THE PATRIOT. r per ?quare for the first week, and twenty-every week thereafter. TWBLVK LISBS O» , square Deductions made in fa»or of er as follows: 3 MONTHS. ■-». ....... .$S oQ .. . 7 00 ... 10 00... 6 MONTHS. 1 IIA» ...$5 60 $8 00 ...10 00 14 00 .. 15 00 20 00 SPEECH or ONCRABLE J. J. CRITTENDEN, OF KENTUCKY, rii Hit Sr.natr, Friday, May 25th, 1S60. i.il ilie consideration 01 the resolu- ■l.y Mr. l»;ivis on the 1st of March, 1800. i jtciity of the Sta'es, the rights of all . migrate to the Territories with slave . nig Lite power of Congress or a Ter- . uii' lo interfere with this right. ; i-ident, it is not my purpose to Jech. I have no prepared speech, * nitration for a speech. 1 de&ire Juvss my views in relation to cer-ilar questions that have been pre-i some prominence in the course debate; and one of the most in-u i>d importantol those questions is J affects the relation existing be- . i< i-riturial government and the (fuv-ntottbe United Slates. It is sup- - •;;-. aa it seems, that those terri- . rhmente, when organized under rity of Congress, have certain in-t powers of their own, not confer-h -retii in them, as a sort of sov-ject, the Supreme Court of the United States enough under the domestic legislation of the having determined that every citizen of the U. S. may go into that Territory carry- Territory. hie. -vhon.in 1854, chat great measure of hag his slaves with him, and holding them the repeal of Missouri compromise was adop-thore, my opinion is, that the Constitution is j led by the Congress of the United States, one to protect that property which it has author- . of its premised benefits was, that it should ized to go there. Of course, that is a logi- remove froin the. Halls of Congress, and from cal conclusion. It seems to me it is nnques- J all national controversy or discussion, the tionable. To assert my right to go there, to_carry my properly there, and tojenjoy that properly, and then to say therein anybody stronger or mightier or mure sovereign than the Constitution that can take from me that which the Constitution says 1 shall have and question of slavery. That was supposed to bconeof the benefits that would result. It was to transferal! those question to the Territo-ries; make them local instead of national questions; making the disturbance local to t he Territory, and not national, to extend enjoy, or shall expel me from the place where j throughout the limits of the whole Republic, the Constitution -a\ - 1 may go, 1 can imag-ine nothing so inconsistent and so coiurudic tory. Its ay, therefore, when tins proper or extreme case occurs, when property going there under the sanction of the Constitution, as interpreted by the Supremo Court of the United ritates, shall require such interposi-tion, that it is the duty of Congress lo inter-pose and grant protection. Give it, and give ii adequately. That is my opinion. But still there is much to he considered in relation lo this subject. When your property goes there; when it cor.stitues a part of the political community ; and when a limited control over that property is given to a ter-ritorial government, who is to make police laws to regulate such property ''. Is it not in every case, a question of expediency, wheth-er this Government will interfere? Here is a community made up of citizens differing in ' That was one of the promised benefits of that measure: and if it had tended even to accom-plish that olject much more if it had accom-plished it, it would have been a great benefit to this country. You framed the Kansas- Nebraska bill with that view. You gave them large powers of self-government. To be sure they were, as of necessity they must be, subject to this Government, liable to be changed or taken away at any time it was thought proper by this Government to do so ; but still, youdid it with the very purpose of transferring all these shivery questions to them. Sir, the act itself has nol produced the promised consequences; hut when wo look back to it, and when wc Interpret it, we must know that was one ol the purposes and objects in view of the legislators who passed thai bill. The effects of that law have been modified, to he sure, by the decision of the Supreme ment, when to interpose, and when not to interpose. It may be said, upon principle in general, that the local government is the government best qualified to take care of the local inter-ests of the country in which they govern — Here is one subject, however, placed beyond their control—sla\e-y. They are taught that ibis is property, and entitled to protec-tion as such. I do not mean lo make any ques-tion about property in slaves or property in the service of slaves. It iaall one-ana the same thing; and I imagine that the slaveholder does not care how it is denominated so that sub Mr. President, - speak of these supjects j your side who may strike ; that there are with a judgment as arm and determined as ' others not so enlightened, intelligent, or for-niyjudgment iscapabljor susceptible of, but bearing, who. urged on by your own very without any unkindness, much less with acri- doctrines, will take upon them mony. I am ono of those who would desire before I make my ottering even to be recon-ciled to my brother- Men must no supposed loIntend ail Lnat their acts lend to produce. They are the author of them whether they hold themselves responsible or not. They are not more responsible for the act they do. than they are for the iatural, probable, ensu-ing consequences of the act. There have been indiscretion's on all sides. The blame has not Is there any case now demanding an inter-ference I This resolution supposes not; Ij suppose not. I suppose that there is no ex-1 isting case in which Congress would think ' it wise or expedient now o interfere by the . exercise of its admitted power of interposi- I tion when necessary. Would it be policy in Congress 10 interpose except in an extreme of it is left to him. It the gentlemen on tho other side of the Chamber reject the idea ol property in man, and say thut it is but prop-ty in the service of man, as service is all that can be obtained from the slaves, it is perfect ly equivalent, in my judgment, aad for one, 1 would be perfectly satisfied with that! Thai property is to bo protected, and must be protected, when necessary; but I conless, like the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Toomhs,] I should be very slow to interpose the positive authority of this Government, unless ! he case was one imperiously and by necessity, as it were, demanding it. I would try other means, even to the abolition of the territorial government, and a change of its form, a change of its administrators ; but pro-tection at last the man is entitled to; and it the Government cannot give it to him, or thinks it would be detrimental to the inter-ests of tho nation to forbear in consequence of great national evils that might be antici-pated, let them pursue lhat policy. The sa-lui pnpvli is at last the great law of all com-muulies, of all nation.-. It must influence our interpretations aud our consideration of till questions ..; mere expediency. If the Gov-ernment does not think proper to interfere and furnish protection, let the Government indemnify the citizen for the wrongs he has suffered. There might be cases of lhat sot l. Hut. sir 1 did not intend to go into these act could not confer the power of expelling imaginary cases. That was ndt toy purpose. stance of his right to b • practical enjoyment ' been on one side, so far as ill language and er of Congress to have granted such a power. It was nut known whether it wan in the pow-er of Congress or not. The case of Dred Scott was then depending, and not decided. The case of Dred Scott determines lhat Con-gress had not the power, and of course could not, by the Kansas act, give it. The Kansas I'I.-UOI tL* Cha'huwoci i.iMtli' FACTS: FACCiJ!! FACTO!!! It is a /'■'<■'.'—That when the l> 'inn 'i party came in power in 1858, national | pervaded tho entire body politic; the Al t.on vote had been decreased n* tor pon themselves the law-less and the murderous task, by their own means and their own bloody hands, of enforc ing your doctrines? You have found lhat I °y the wise and conservative co.ir-e ( in one instance ; vou may find it in others;! Fdlmore: the public debt hi 1 b and of what advantage is all this? None ;»|J» surplus was left in tho National free* that I can see. 1 know you, gentlemen; ury and I know that there is not one of you here who would countenance such an act. 1 know it would not be more abhorrent to me than it would bo to you. But when you see thai It ii a Fart:—rhut the Don •>■ >rat I a | leaders declared iii lsls lhat '*th< r • i : ! he no Union of ihe Democracy wh ery question was recogni.-.od as a legitimate. mutual reproaches are concerned ;it has been on all sides. The controversy of bitier words once commenced spreads everywhere, though yon may not be able to find the beginning of it. But now, if what I have said in relation to the probability of slavery desiring or seeking lo bo carried into these Territories bo at all true, what reason is there for your pursuing a policy which the circumstances of Kansas did at one time seem to give some plausibility to? That is settled. That was the great cause which led you to action. It so proclaimed.— Tho object was to repair tho wrong done to Kansas by the repeal of tho Missouri com-promise, or iy consequence of it. That was tho mischief complained of. To redress that A-as the ground on which this now powerful and great party arrayed itself. That you have accomplished. You have accomplished it by ways and means that must have been disagreeable ii'i their consequences. You saw that it offended your brethren; you saw that it injured your brethren. The discussion of such a subject, pressed to their very borders, pressed over their borders, and among their slaves, could not be otherwise than hurtlul, as well as offensive. As States of this Union, these things will follow in the course of that | parly isane.' great host which you lead oo in political \ «*•*•*/—What they declared in I warfare, and that they will act, as they sup-' t,,!,t "when the Bait.mure Convent pose, upon your own lossons and I—twt | l*0*] assembled, the .Democratic part} tions ; though perhaps misinterpreted, and ' ■P,lt UP into thrve distinct divisions, ii do the mischief that you would scorn; that they will do tho mischief that may be fatal to the peace of their country ; that ono hand ma}' bold tho brand that burns down the temple. When you know that there is such a danger as that upon you, a danger that you cannot suppress, does it not show you tho necessity of a more temperate and mod-erate course on this subject? Imitate tne action of our fathers. You often appeal to the fathers, and it is a sacred appeal that ought to go to ever}- heart. You appeal to the fathers: from 1700 down to 1835, for forty-five long years, did our fathers over breathe out dissension or agitation in this land on this subject ? I cite this merely to show that the thing may be done, and it has been done. It was done by our fathers; and are we so degenerate already that we cannot do the same thing ? We have got into mutual c:;cilemet.ts on this subject, mutual rights, mutual wrongs; and 1 will not stop here now to inquiro who is most to blame. I might find fault with powers are liable to be resumed at . or to bo fashioned and controlled - il at the pleasure of Congress, and .... io its discretion. Of course, there ly soon to pass away -O* M Js it of such magni-tude as to require your interposition ? Thex* are considerations that must always enter I into that auestion of expediency when i1 is .arncleof «™™P«* presented to Congress; and it is grateful . Territory; all is a mere delega me to be able to say, as gentlemen seem to in subordination at all times Congress of the United States. I ••.i./'no B ivercignty in this country, no political power, except that origin-n the people of tho United States. r are the natural depositaries, they are . uial ownersofeverything like supreme rsovereignty. They have, to form nmeiit, delegated a certain por-sovcreignty to (he Congress of te ! Siates. The whole, then, of this . exists, as to that part not delc-the people. As to that which they -and, that is in Congress; and, io disposition of tho whole sover- slight grounds. [ircme power of this country. None.' lelcgated to any ono else. None, . - been delegated lo tho ttrrito-l ■ :i(s. are, as 1 first stated, thf» mere crea- 1 Agrees, without any power, any t.pt what Congress, by the act admit here, lhat there is now no ncc - tt, for such an interposition. Exact right may not be done; exact treatment may not be ex-tended to slaveholders in Territories where there is a great majority of Republicans : but still they are not of such magnitude as to justify a great national movement on the subject. There is a maxim that it is better that a particular wrong should be endured than a great public inconvenience incurred. That is the law at least, whether t» be ap-plied literally or not. I quote it merely as a ^-0 warning to us not to interfere upon too I admii, the right to inter the duty io interfere wi pn 00 act on all subjects < ■:' rightful legislation " Whal exception can yon make to the gener- ... .. „i wers ? The constitution, as; iuhiM qn ly interpreted by the federal ackn wledgc, declares that slavery, i.sin a : I !-. islation on the part of • !. i gress. Mr. President,] do nol want to enlarge it is to ihis Government—-its Governor liable lo he turned out, its judges liable to bo ali turned oat by th, President in & moment— would . ke upon itsell, i;> tho very face of the decision of tho Supreme Court ot the United Siatet.. to legislate against slavery, for the purpose ot destroying or impairing the value of ihe property oi one ol their fellow-citizens subject. My object is to be as brief Would' the Governor allow it so tar as ie as possible, t say, then, I assume that, and ; t.c„|,] ht,|p jt? Would the judges allow it, I shall vote for that resolution. 1 do not see wyt~n lne 0'ertain knowledge that their remov-that that n solution has proclaimed a caoe ^ trom office would be, as it ought to be, the which would "authorize Congress to under- con8equenco of such a departure from their take the responsibility of now interposing ,|ulyv There would oe a just apprehension and now legislating for the-protection of sla- on j,^ partofthe whole Territory that the Government who given these large powers, the priv- .r e DO such knowledge myself.— ilege Of exercising a sort of st If government, been oroclaimed here, and do not know that them are not sul- (government of the United States, win ficientlaws now for its protection inanyTer „;„„„ them thesolartre nowers, and th ritory such case has proclaimed 1,',77,-ht take awav ; o\\ •!• from the hands ol the resolutions are to lay the foundations of tuoae wjj0 defied the public authority, and remedies for eases to arise hereafter. If there Rbused the trust with which they had been in tho languago ol these resolutions, they I you but I do not choose now to stop here and considered iluimselvesr pledged to hold fast to : make the inquiry, whether you are most to and to give ajl necessary aid and comfort to '■■ blame or your brethern of the South You every State w;th whicii they were associated are both, no doubt, to blame The sooner in the Union,—to all their sister States; to j wo can put an end to this strife, the better, use that latifghagc v-hich signifies affection-! 1 am of those who believe confidently in this ate relations.'; But i.i inconsistent^ with, Union: it political stability, its everlasting whether or riot in violation of, those rela- powcrand stability. Though wc talk lightly lions, wliethei' falsely OT inadvertently done, I about its overthrow, il is not to be over-you brought these heated discussions up to [ thrown. It has a foundation too broad. Wi-llie very borders of your sister States. The ■ can well turn over this world, and say this voice went abroad through their land of ai Government occupies a large portion of it.— character calculated to produce insurrection, ; This Government has the whole land for its calculated to jiroduce every crime known to ' foundation; and every true heart within that us. Wad this) right? You say you have a land is one of the pillars to sustain it; and right to discasd the morality of every subject every true hand, one of the land by which i: that affects Bnjy of your countrymen, in or . is to be maintained and defeneed, whether tier to inform hem and reason with them.— North or South! Why, then, shall we, bound As a genera, (.imposition it is true, and such together by su^h noble —■lim—M as well as admonition ouj^ht. perhaps, to be thankfully by such great and controlling interests, uiak< received. Bui, ihis io a case whore every little quarrels now to bi ing our peace, at an_\ man must BCf exceptional reasons apply.— rate, to the very verge of ruin, and, humanl} This is an exception. Would a military speaking, to bring our country in danger, man', a eommander-in-chief, be justified in and our Union and our Constitution '! '1 he acting upon this doctrine of allowing every Constitution and Ihe Union are ono and tin evil to bo denounced, and giving a free and . same thing. You must preserve both, or unlimited and- chartered right to all who neither is preserved. The one rests on the choose to discuss these evils; lo give out their: other. It is this very Government, this iden-own undigested ideas, foreign ideas, novel . tical Government, that makes all this grenl (leas, in order to infl.ienco others t Woild country ours; that makes this Amori'-.-tn lib that be tolerated in a camp? Suppose one erty which we enjoy, our liberty. Shall we of tho good men of tie world now, who is ' fritter away in liltio broils and petty contro-the advocate :of universal peace, and looks j verties, as they are, all these /-real gifts, all upon war as tl|e greatest of all human crimes , these great endowments which wo have re- —suppose onoof those apostles of peace were ceived from our fathers and that Providence - rthat government, has pleased to [that always held at the arbitru-i There can be none other. I j pi tee in our written system of - i. The .people is tho original and source of all this sovereignty.— 'Tj theui except whal th< y have i-tity have -jranted no portion ot t tl the General Government. Cer •j hate grunted none to tne terri-rrnHicnts. The whole practical : tv «»fthe country over its Territo- . ii tbe Congress oi tho United then; what they bavejrranted to the belongs to the Territories, and ; •. That is my idea on this sub-tigress, iii constituting tho terrilo- •. • it, may grant jusi so much as ■;i in. power of legislation, and bower t ■ govern, to the territorial ft, and the territorial govern-iay[ exercise whatever is granted to ' ■ Duress had the power, for instance, .•r extending slavery from the % they might grant even that to ral government. «(ting ai y more time upon this sub- ' ■ † t • call the attention of the Sen- >! if to a calm consideration of ■rue at which these resolutions ■† iml for the correction of vbich ' mended. What is that. sir ? The ■■' t••'•jjii-'iucl ■ t is that slave prop- Territories is left, not only with- ■ • pri tection, Or may be left with . •• protection, but may be left to ■>t the territorial government ira- '" ■ fhtof property in slaves. That • nee. It is in apprehension thai ' .'. •- will not give laws adequate to ■ of such properly, but on the against that property by iendly legislation. That is ■† • tided evil. I believe my bonora- ' . ;.• Mississippi, who introduced . iid at the lime he propos- .. .. • that there existed now no ac- • • ■■††calling for the interposition of • "' :•>• lit. ■■†••' As my friend from Kentucky ■• • i would merely say that I did • '.' . to admit or deny the fact • ••.*.. declaration of principle to '• ..•• with the existence of our (iov- • : •■ † xtensive with the whole • : • • sarily dependent upon the ' •• t iu relation to any particular . »' i neither intended to admit or • . willnotconeistinindividual instancesorcases. | 0hief;»nd yet forbearaVi give redress. That The question of ihe right ufsuoh property to w,,„|,; ,,„,,,:lVe been bis course inhere was beheld audio exist in a Territory is sofirm- ;U1 r.i;, :u._, case_ There is no ca.se now; ly established thai I cannot conceive any t|_,lv can arise no case hereafter, because territorial Legislature will, so far, consider lip.,.,. ig ,,u Territory to which slavery is Ilke-iteeIf warranted in usurping the power of ex- ly to go. To nroduce the grievance, what must oc-cur '. ' io produce the grievance not now ex-isting, in an}- future Territory, or in any Territory now existing, wc must suppose it to be so desirable as to allure slaveholders with their slaves to settle in the it. Is there any probability of that? Where is the Ter-ritory to which it will go? Well, sir, you may make fiat im|* bable conjecture; but peiling the slaves w Inch the Constitution has said, by interpretation of the Pedoral court, to be sure, may be carried and may be held there. That would require only that we should repeal that law. That 1 would be perfectly willing to do. I think therefore, sir, if there is no case existing now, it will be still less likely to ex-ist hereafter. All this debate, all this ear-nest and zealous and heated controversy is I that will not raise the case. You must sup-merely in prospect of an evil which is only j (,osl. that, when the slaves have been carried apprehended. None exists When is it like- io this new Territory, the Legislature of the * ly to exist, and whore? With everyday I ^ territorial government will act hostilely to-trust the danger ot such a necessity is. di-! wards it, and, by unfriendly legislation,_ at tion of the property of their neighbors? I want Ihe people of the United Mates io con-sider aM these things, and subdnc the alarm which they now feel, as tin ugh there were an instant overhanging danger upon the eountry. Sir, there is nothing so hnWveUiis in the history of the country, under us present aspect", as the agnation which uow exists throughout its borders, compared with the general prosperity which prevails. In all Us glorious progress, dfd ever this country exhi-bit a fairer picture of human prosperity and human happiness than it does to-day? Na-ture has be*tOW«d all her bounties. This is a land of phnty and abuudance, without weight or measure ; ihe freest Government on earth. What citizen of this Republic is unlawfully imprisoned todav.froui one end ofthiscoun- Othert What white man can say with all his eloquence to tho soldiers tho influences full of mischief, not intended by gmat virtue of-deserting tho standard of j you, but operating upon the mind ol the i heir country, and of being ministers ol the i more enthusiastic and superstitous. I de -/real peace system, which they wouWaecom-j plore this strife, I sec the mieehief. Tint plish some part of by running away from j mischief wiH continually increase. It is ol their country's standard ; by rising in muti-j mischiefto increase. It grows by what it ny, and puttin" n end to those officers who, fjeds on the Constitution and the institutions it not destroyed, might be .ourting wars of the country. It feeds on the heart* of hereafter to teach them tho tyranny that our countrymen. It is there to corrode; il was exercised over them by their officers, | is there to displace all kindly and affectionate and say to them, -you are here inveigled in-; feelings which ought to unite us as coontry-to cant]) for a few dollars; you are, in the ' men, and to put in a poison that shallI create morning, drilled by tho sargeant; you arc : nothing but spleen and enmity. That is what made to hold yourselves in this way, and in this question feeds on ; and, feeding on teat, hat way, and to play the very slave before it will continue to grow more loathsome and lim; now, can you as freemen bear this; rise, more detestable aud more dangerous day b\ tl assert your rights, and make your way to | day. peace everywhere over the land." What is the difference between that and tho course to which 1 have just alluded? One Brick Wrong.—Workmen were recent-ly building a large brick tower, which was versy whatever about slavery is likely to I to get a case of which this grievance can arise arise? Kansas disposed of, does there re-1 What apprehension is there, then,to be j main an} territory to which slavery ii invi- entertained ofan evil depending upon so led would go? 1 know ol none. 1 will not ny improbable events-ma u that can only i has this affirm it is so exactly in regard to every por-tion of our territory, but I believe there is none of sufficient importance to form aStaie ,.:•. trom so many contingencies? We must bo prompt, we must be proneas well nipt, it seems, to controversy, if we this prosperity. The Republican party, it seems to me. taken seine progiess; but I must say beautiful picture of peace and happiness has received its only wound from the agitation which they havemainiained on the subject of I say this in a spirit of the most | after having accomplished the object which ; '^ ^ w>„.kllloI, „, ,.,ull in We enter on a cause pro- j it put forth to the world as its only Object, j slavery. wo owe our party are as nothing; yet in prac-tic we seem 'o place thein above the groat duty to our country. Now 1 Bee that ihis one of the great par-ties cf the country to which I have alluded, ' tin cr had been carried up about fifty feet, there was heard a tremendous crash. Tho build ing had fa'len, burying the men in tho ruins. All tho previous work was lose, the materials wasted, and, worse still, valuable lives were sacrificed, and all from one brick laid wrong this the " '.IA-. I understand the gen- . * The amendment which is pro-a[' d which is now the immediate sub- • IL. , declares that there \% such ex- -' ranee at the present moraont. It 1 ■ >rding to the resolution itself, an dedor prospective mischief against '• puwer of this Government is to be '* I r the purpose of securing that •f property in the Territories, ■•••i ..rial government has no sjver Jt .idepuhdeut right to act on this sub-e'vils that do not exist.' Shall wo q about remidies for evils lhat nol only do not wiong has been done lo A, u, or c, in 'exist but which it is not probableever will property of his slaves, but the question will exUt "' Is thai wisdom? When shall we be bolbcn one of groat national expediency freed "from tronbe, if this bo the coarse of with a jui n gard for the rights of tndivul-policy to be pursued ? Ifit iaaaid to be wise to look for ahead of us to anticipate evil, and by anticipating it, preventing it, the question is, shall we anticipate the evil for the pur-tho necessity of the case to use the word "slave-ry" here—while you stand thus, you disturb pose of making a qnarell over it now—a quar-rel over a future cai<M of quarrel that we I barely apprehend, and WfcWl may never oe- tios, Oi each. Ill; cur? 1 want the people ofthe Uiiite'd States | ment, ana the^ su to understand this thing. I want the slave-holder to know, that though there may be slaveholders and slaves in Territories now existing, and territorial governments now exi-iiu>£, yet there lias occured no necessity fortbe intcrpositiou ol this Government; lhat all. so far, has gone on well aud quietly he Picture Is the re an v real or substantial [ as you stand array, -d In that way causeloTnursuTga oourse in politics that j borders of your si-ter States where savt w^steiaTnowgha9 led to tins discontent ists-an.t 1 regret to be compelled bv upd this alienation '.' 1* there any object that uals, with ajiojtand saered determination io you can accomplish by it that '* •"-•''J wf,|'| j j main, in thein under all proper circumstan-; iBat? Is there any price too high f..i th... ilieii .«.«t ) {i ' ■ ■ M ^ . : .,- I hold that Government is made tor < which will purchase the restoration ot kind- li^«^*'" g^^S^lta MnM of : ■ protecli. t rigBts. Government is but | ness and natural alibclion with a bro her with the combination of the powers ofail to protect '. whom we have been offended .' what pine the i igfcts, and 19 protect the live and liber- j would yon not set upon Uiat. and what sac-rifice wottid you not make lor it ? ion are told if you are at the altar ready with yourl their rig I. n the body waslound in a creek near by. It appeared that he had been shot in the aids apparently with a pistol, making but a slight Thai is tho origin of Govern-sub. stanee and end of true Government; but still there must be pru-dii- ice in management of that Government-— There a thousand considerations that the legislator has to 1 tike into view. Tho inter-ests of all arc concerned So it is with every question of expediency ; and this must be a questiou ol expediency, also with this Gov-1 that, North aud South. who keep up this party for the purpose its poliiical nwards and its political honors, i do not intend really to do any actual Chief to the other States. You acknowie us; you detiare against these ' rights ; but tbe inva-declaration wound, when he either Ml offor was dragged off his horse and his head neaten with a StolH tui he was dead. The body was then place.: .0 usackaad carried to the creek Suspicion having been excited uguiiiot two of iiis USgru men, they were arrested and al edge lhat the i,f0 i murder was committed by a runaway negr< 1 *iih their knowledge, however. Mr. Chambers was between 50 and «»' rard to the slavery lam ir essential BMtHtrsj it was a suit. Tl three divisions autartalned ■'11 i-. real .. I ir-reconcilable opinions as to the n i laws passed in I860, for tbe setth tn< slavery question. One portion oordiaKj proved the Compromise measures as d justice to both seel ions o| the Union: er portion denounced th ly unjust to the rights of the South ihe third portion repudiates th in alleged eoncession to the rights ol tit. Jt is a I'oct.'—That the Oi nto iral in 1855, passed such a resolution on tbe ery question as to permit Stephen \; Douglas and tho Northern Democracy to • jus1 fly Squatter Sovereignty, r. doel rlne mo. o odious to the South than the Will lot r*l and more destructive in than Seward's Congressional prohibit! It is a Fact.'—That the Demm rati professed to regard the Compromisi urcs as a final settlemet.t of the tion. A ted tact.'—That Franklin Pi first message to Congress, oongr coiumittee on the adoption ol the C mine measures, and pledged bis ■ >m r to faithfully carry out its provisiuiis h AdminiHiration, and. It its a Fact !—That almost b bad dried, he violated this solemn pi * advocating the iniquitous Kansas bi all its "glittering generalities."' It is a Fact.'—That this bill was tl eian horse by which armed ire—on smuggled into the South ! Ii is a Fact!—That the !' i has furnished every Abolition ran has ever in idi> (he race 1 i i Jfisa Hut#— That the tiilbor o! | mot I'rovi-o is a Dumwcrat Jt is a Flit.'—That the author ol th< stead lull is u Democrat. It is a Fact /—Thai in.- Admit iruckled to the advocates 1 Utah Territory. HitaFaett—That the td« iniStration proscribed nicii lor Voting for whom pleased. It it a Fut'.— That Ihe wishc pie have been thwarted by th■• Ad I iion'n appointing ever\- indivi 1 ■ i -. I \\ < a—Vdefeated by them to sonio office ponsibility and emulumofll It it a Fi't.' —That part}- new -; been sustained out ot llie p«op| ■"■ , ItisaFuel!—ThatJas Baehaua to have his alleged ts«»rrupiion ea -vhich is priii"i far,, eviduuo ol a It, It it a Fact.'—'I'h-.t u Donmcralic from Texas declares that to be a IIOI a crime. This proves thai ih- Del d . not believe that a poor man isbnn It it a Fan.'—That ifr Ni , that a man who owns land isabettei than one who owns none—tllUH , leading Democrats I lha. a p does not love his country '. It ix a Vketl—That a majority cratie members of Congress from tbi are the advocates of adtfutolaliou of the ion if S certain party—.-, part] of its making—shall elect their I', date. It is a Fact.'—That tl. i I' ben of Congress, and tbe htopubl continually making Abolitl Disunion « speeches, when there iano] before the oounlry. It is a Fact.'—That Won : dares that he had rather see a ! I elected President than any n i ho believes when the I BOO ratl ted agitation will Ct use. It is a Fa,'!—Thatthe Democra of the North and that of the widely separated in j, poles. It is a Fart.'—That i1 I are not agreed on any one except the}-intend to bare i fice though the heavens fall These are onlj n few of the f can will be •etabliabed diction on each and all of tbl M l yet the Democratic leaden n I men to vote for the Charleston nomii Reader, will yon do It? We w cannot. — m ♦† ■ — • Hold Him to It. As the candidates for Governor West ward, His Excellency I I ics to deny that be compared i. • the W.st to a borne laei h, A as give, give, give ; iiiel those < : to the goose that lays the p wc were pr- -ent al the <l -<• Pll mouth,on the'.lln .-I .\t, ,, ilively amort that be did evinpat ii people toa horse hi li raaglve, give, givej and those ol M the goose that l.t' - ' i '• repeat, reiterate aiel re: MM ri I poaitive ami cannot be atiatake . words u-<d, lor wbeM be in. eral, ungenerous com] iri*oi . . , tl at the people I I th< West rixccll •ncy h—I, tor t' nd thai wo intended (•> wnu flint he Qoed l m- sai.. . - , ens-ion al Gat. 1-\: Icaat sh id'.w of a I "i1 u.on of bi th parties i , moon Is if honest in II s !. e pi oplc oi the K.i brethren are hurm i he last drop of blood i be hope ol o lining a fow roti \\'<-' and attempt t »dcny il Hi jnay deny and oquivoo iii : heard him say it, and i' liim as light as the sl'irt ot \> ington Timct. I
Object Description
Title | The Greensborough patriot [June 8, 1860] |
Date | 1860-06-08 |
Editor(s) |
Sherwood, M.S. Long, James A. |
Subject headings | Greensboro (N.C.)--Newspapers |
Place | Greensboro (N.C.) |
Description | The June 8, 1860, issue of The Greensborough Patriot, a newspaper published in Greensboro, N.C., by M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long. |
Type | Text |
Original format | Greensborough [i.e. Greensboro], N.C. : Newspapers |
Original publisher | M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long |
Language | eng |
Contributing institution | UNCG University Libraries |
Newspaper name | The Greensborough Patriot |
Rights statement | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/ |
Additional rights information | NO COPYRIGHT - UNITED STATES. This item has been determined to be free of copyright restrictions in the United States. The user is responsible for determining actual copyright status for any reuse of the material. |
Object ID | 1860-06-08 |
Digital publisher | The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, University Libraries, PO Box 26170, Greensboro NC 27402-6170, 336.334.5304 |
Digitized by | Creekside Digital |
Sponsor | Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation |
OCLC number | 871562339 |
Page/Item Description
Title | Page 1 |
Full text |
Ktm^^^amm 7ZZZZf*r
mi mil -^», . i ■ t
xttn • atral
py SHERWOOD & LONG. & jpamilu Xrtospaprr—Bcbotrti to 3Litrtature, Agriculture, iHauufacturcs, Commerce, anil JFHisrcllanrous drafting. TERMS—$2.00 IN ADVANCE
VOL. XXII. GEEENSBOROTJaH,. N. C, JTTNE 8, I860
~ ■ ■† '■ †'i ■**- ■ ■'- -
ISTO. 1090.
'['.: LvccnsborongK Patriot.
SHI
JAMKS A. LOSO.
■;i!WOOD & LONG,
BUITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
.,,j, |