Page 1 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 1 of 4 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large
Extra Large
Full Size
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
THE PATRIOT PUBLISHED WEEKLY 4f GREENSBORO, N. C. BLI8HED IN 18811.4a ..Wtcat.and best Newg-ili. Mate! Proprietor ranabiy iuadvan—: • 1 . - ni"iitl•« $!."•■ age-ibseribarae. _ ,. v\>\ TISINO. The Greensboro Patriot. Established in 1821. WEDNESDAY, MARCH M, 1877. | New Series No. 467. THE DEMOCRATIC ADDRE8S. A Protest Against the De-claration of the Elections of Hayes. - ; liable — ■*" : winentK (insifrly THE dHABOBS OP OOK8PIRAGT A.\D St BSTANTIATBD. REITIILICAN CORRUPTION 1 i III lj H2 id . ia •21 1- . .til 1- ■ „ !i | - :i" SO ;," Ml 90 140 MdloMte fifty p« |T| M>./.-tr»l»»' Administrator! no- . , ..liuuii advertise- «i professional Cards. ,,.. JOHN N..STAPI.K MENDENHALL & STAPLES, ., nil UNK V SAT LAW, i.K • E!«S»OBO, K.C. rthe, Stokas, Ran- , *o, r B. Circuit anil .. attention K'v •*" t(' i| llie .State, and to North nt Court House. > « Ml Kit P, I w.liWKI.I.. »i OTT A « ALDWEIX. S8BORO, N- C. ., th< B i|>erior Court ol \V lolpb, Darid- |.. ell uid fctecklen- 8 ipreme Court of lb* ,; Coon at Greensboro « leevi ,.ud in oourts :. I *_f of money . M iritiee. w 1)' .lO. \v. GLENN, ATTORNEY AT LAW Heidm/Ule, N. C. i ., the Courts of the . attention given to 75-1$. « ,i. ^•■•■-■»nKsl,i:c.nri.LY OFFERS HIS PROFESSIONAL SERVICES Oretiuboro. I ll> llll. BAME AS THOSE Otbei Practicing /•;,„,, iniM of Hit' Wry. _ lOIIA V. BARBMOEB, J A I 1'OKNEl Al LAW, I onrU I i ntbanj 1 .... n I i- haudd will o« led to. H Photograph Do irt Houao. „ II GRKOURY. ; & GREGORY, rORI.'EY S AT LAW ■ GRf I f BBORO, N. C ... ., ilm State ai rt Federsl \\ lb< firm can l>e al I 7€ :... D. A. & R. F. ROBERTSON, RGEON DENTISTS, nboro, C. • of ihi'm % ran and iv. On alwnya IIH at ihfir ofi«« 0- Lindeny'i i ornti III ■tfAin.eiitiUUM M % r k • I s.ih-rrt.■■ u v re? erence given, ii d. S13 it Ml 1»li \|. 4 \ltlft. The under-f noun* e t<> lii*- friundM nni he h;is -ervi'd ft»r tbc M.H i ice "i* Ins pro-ban dm ing t be pwl fall trough conn- iii Q the city t>i .ri the I'alhology ami treat* liiu in PBMAUCS, . I .1! !>..• intUMi- -.irv in Iliis ! i. .-. nlao, pre> -..,-■• - of the <\ e A i u found at the Drug ,v Bon, when nut K. \\. GLENN 1)i.\> i ■ us not si;: I KSBORO, V t In the center of ii, -i one to the .. Bovo- .ll.MU LOCATED. THE TABLE lieat. ilio rooms are and neatly Ibrnialied Terms.redneed t' ONLY $1.50 PER DAY. the Month on • • I < nils. ■■■ Depot Free. ■i. It b'lELD. • I i insamebloek t' lake yon to inj "ate rates. \. »;I.I:>\ St v<»>. I a W.i: AND UKTAIl. DKUGG ISTS. , sr. c. .■ i ., T) ugs, \iedii im ■. Paimt*, - 'Ni> PERFUMES? DRUG STORE. i untry M.-i, i..ni- sad ins n our line Mi Cheaper, Than be bought North and 1 :.-v eanaot be iaiis house. E iiD.M A CALL! WASHINGTON, Marcb *.—The fol lowing 18 the iiddr. ^s aduptftl by tlif Deuooratie uintii>.-is <>t the' IIIIUKH of RepiPaeotativea at tho csaoaa li»-l«l Sstardpy ev« March A, in t!ie hall ol the House: To THE AMERICAN PEOPLE : We Nubtnit to tlie country the following review of the events wbicb havt- re.sulted in the declara-tion that Rutherford 15. Haves has been elected President of the Unit-ed Statev. lu the late political can-vacs two facts stood out prominent-ly— first, the BepablicM party, true to its sectional nature, sought to unify the North against the " solid South r" and while engaged in that effort it was striving to make good its probable losses in the North by dividing the votes of the South. This division it bought to effect by an unconstitutional use of tbe at my in South Carolina, Louisiana and Florida. Second, the troops were sent to those States when there was neither invasion nor domestic insurrection to require Ih.-in. With the legislature easily to be convened, the only demand for their preseuce was made by the State Executive. The elections in these States, therefore, were held in the shadow of the military pow-er. The bayonets glistened at tbe polls, lu depositing their ballots the mi/pus enjoyed only such liber-ty as the army permitted. In the other States the elections were un-usually peaceful. Immediately af-terwards the result showed that lOOTilden electors had been chosen. Ot the whole popular vote they re-ceived a majority ol more than a quarter ol a million, and ol' that of the Caucasian race, which controls every other Christian and civilized government of the world, they re-ceived a majority of more than one million. On the day succeeding the election it was announced by the Chairman of the Republican X;> tional Committee that 184 Tildeu and 18i» Hayes electors had been chosen. Nothing had then been learned of the election excepting the vote actually cast. It has never since been disputed that by that rote a majority ot Tildeu electors had been appointed. Such an an Donncemei t, then-lore, could onlj have been made in pursuance ot an arrangement to change the vote shown to have been given by the people. We charge that after the true re-mit hail been proclaimed, a con-spiracy was formed by the Repub-lican leadets to reverse I be decision made at t he polls. Th- field chosen Foi the development of tbe eon- •piracy was the Btatea ol Florida ami l.mi.siana. The persona i act with the original i inspirators were the Governors and members 01 tV ret'truit.g boards of those States.— The field was well chosen, and the State officers selected were suitable persons for the work to be done.— For more than ten years those States had been subjected to gov erumeuts uot of their choice. Taxa-tion and maladministration had rob bed them of their substance and well nigh destroyed their spirit and hope. The army of the United States had been freely used to maintain those governments in their acts of corruption and usurpa-tion. It was believed that its ser vices would aid in the designed cou spiracy. The names of the officers depended upon are Marcellus L. Stearns, Samuel J5. McL'tin anil Clayton A. Cowgill, of Florida; and Wm. Pitt Kellogg, J. Madison Wells, Thos. 15. Auderson, E. Oase nave aud ,). I!. Kenner, of Louis iaua. These men were uot strangers to the American people. They had before usurped authority. The re-turning boards of those States had made themselves by-words in the laud. The Governors were known to be pretenders. If there were two names dishonored iu general estimation they were the names ot Wm. Pitt Kellogg and J. Madison Wells. To such men was the work ot consummating the conspiracy confided. Tbey entered upon their task with alacrity, advised and en couraged by leading " visiting" Re publican statesmen of the North.— They took each step with delibera tlon aud apparent regard for law. Iletore the election iu Louisiana Win. I'itt Kellogg and his subor-dinates assumed exclusive control ot the execution of the registry law. Tbey ietused registration to thousands entitled to it, anil added thousands to the lists who had no right to vote. Ou the day of elec-tion the polls were managed by officials appointed by the Governor. There were in nearly every instance members ol the Republican party. Uuited States marshals swarmed at every precinct wheu thought neces-sary under pretence of preserving ibe peace, bnl in net to intimidaii voteis. Ballot-hoses were stuffed in tbe interest of Republican eandi dates. Poll books were falsified in Mm instances and then returned to the canvassing board, while in other cases returns giving Demo-cratic majorities were withheld from ti-.f canvassers altogether. Attei n-t urns bad been delivered to the board tbey remained in its ex : is>\.- i,,,.,M-SMOII, and while tbey wen opened with its conseut the original papers wee abstracted aud false ones substituted in their e • ad When tbe returns weie opeued the uoard, with an appearame oi fair-uess, permitted persona represent-ing both parties to bo present but when the decision was made as to what should be counted secret ses-sions were held from which every Democrat was excluded, although the law constituting the board re-quired ;hat it should be composed ot representatives of both political parties. In counting the votes it exercised powers not conferred by the statue, and in the most flagrant disregard ol truth and just'eo the members of the. board changed poll-books, so that Republican officers appeared to be chosen where their op|ionf-uts had, in fact, been elected. They torged the names of officer? to the certificates of election. They threw ont votes of precincts upon affidavits which they knew had been fraudulently obtained; in-deed, they themselves ordered false affidavits to be made hundreds of miles from the places at which they purported to have been taken, in order that a decision might appear justified which they had in advance determined to make. They arbi-trarily threw out votes where there was no preliminary statement from the commissioners of election to give them jurisdiction. They cor-ruptly, in order to elect favorites and to correct the mistakes of cer-tain Republicans in voting for elect-ors, added to the list of votes which had never been cast. While con-sidering the case members of the board endeavored to enter into negotiations with both the Repub-lican and Democratic Nationai Com-mittees to sell their decision. A half million of dollars was the price asked. Not obtaining it, they tried to bargain with leading Democrats of Louisiana to elect the State ticket of their party. J. Madison Wells, with the approval of Thos. C. Anderson, offered to elect the Nicholls State ticket for $200,000 cash in hand. The money was not paid. Negotiations were then re-newed, if ever broken off, with the leaders of the Republican party.— The result was declared in its favor. The chief conspirator, J. Madison Wells, admitted that he was paid by that organization for his decis ion. In Florida the same frauds char-acterized the returns and the ac-tion of the returning boards; votes were thrown out with the same dis-regard of justice. Besides, in that State it refused to regard the or-ders of the courts of competent ju-lisdiction, and proceeded in the must defiant contempt of judicial authority. In this manner more than one thousand Tildeu votes were thrown out in Florida, and in 'Hi' ■. I an 'en thousand in Louisi-ana. Tbe votes of those States, in consequence of the conspiracy, which in fact had been cast tor Til-deu, were given to Hayes. The on-ly excuse for this outrageous re venal of the judgment of the peo-ple is that intimidation had been practiced by the whiter, against the blacks where the votes were thrown out. Whether this intimidation compelled some persons to vote against I heir will, or prevented some from attending tbe polls, it afforded iu neither case-a justifies tion of the deliberate rejection of ballots by tbe returning board. But the statute of Louisiana ouly authorised proof of intimidation in cases where charges of violence sere made i-i writing by the com-missioners of election, on the day when the election was held. These charges were to be enclosed to the board in the envelope containing the returns. In a tew cases, only, were the charges made as required; in the others evidence w^s received without proper foundation having been laid. The evidence received consisted in the main of affidavits written out by clerks and employes ot the returning board, without ev-er having been seen by the persons purporting to verify them, or the officers purporting to certify this ; there was, therefore, no adequate proof of intimidation. It may be remarked here that the temptation to Kellogg and his re-turning board was very great to manufacture cases of intimidation, for it was only on them that tbe Democratic majority could be over-thrown and the conspiracy be sne cesssful. We should not tail to call the attention of tbe people to tbe dangerous effect of the doctrine of intimidation in politics. It disqual-ifies from voting not only the pat-ties to the act of intimidation but all those who havo voted at the same precincts with them. Two persons may conclude to make a case of intimitlation and thereby cause a parish casting thousands ol votes to be rejected. It makes elec-tions a farce. It takes tbe power from the people to rest in returning boards. It enables the latter to impose the severest of political pen-alties, disfiauchisement, without giving the persons punished an op-portunity of a hearing or trial. A republic deserves to lose its liber-ties if it tolerates such outrages for an hour. By this disregard of law, disobedience of courts and con tempt ot the rights ot the voters by their frauds, aud corruptions and usurpations, by their briberies and perjuries and forgeries did the con-spirators obtain the certificates of election for the Republican candi-dates iu the Southern States nam-ed. From the day that tbe cirt ili cates were issued to the Hayes elec-tors in Louisiana and Florida, the country has been tilled with au un precedented excitement. The peo-ple have done little else than en-gage in discussion as lo the fraudu-lent conduct ol tuese returning boards. In this condition ot affairs business has been generally BUS ponded : (allure.- have been ttequon; and prostration has seized upon nearly every iuterest in the laud. When this excitement was at its height Congress assembled. Oue of its duties was to count the elect-oral vote ol the States, including Florida and Louisiana. With the view ot facilitating the count and providing for the peaceful perform auceot its duty by Congress, a bill was passed creating tbe Electoral Commission- By that law tbe com mission was to ascertain the true and lawful vote of every State. In this labor it was to exercise as to hearing of evidence and examina-tion of papers soch power as Con-gress, or either house of Congress, possessed. In the belief that evi-dence would be heard and that a settlement of the disputed question of facts would be fairly reached, tbe Congress and the people ac cepted the commission. How that confidence has been disappointed, bow a decision bas been made bused upon a refusal to consider the un fortunate question of tbe dispute, is well knowu to the country. When the certificates from Florida and Louisiana were opened and submit-ted to tbe two houses, objections were riled to those presented by the Hayes electors. Among other grounds of objectectiou, it was urged than these certificates had been fraudulently and corruptly issued by the returning boards and Executives of these States, and as a result of a conspiracy between them aud the electors claiming to have been chosen. That such cer-tificates had been issued in viola-tion of the laws of tbe respective States aud that some ot the electors named therein were ineligible by the express provision of the consti-tution of the Uuited States. Wheu these objections were made before the commission proof was offered to the commission to sustain them. The commission, by a vote of eight to seven, refused to receive the tes-timony offered except as to the in-eligibility of a single member in Florida. It was voted iu the case of Louisiana that the commission would not hear evidence to show that the returning board was au un-constitutional body; that it was nut organized as the law required at the time the vote was canvassed j that it had no jurisdiction to can-vass the electoral vote; that the charges of riot, intimidation aud violence were false, and that the re-turning board knew that fact; that the certificates were corruptly and fraudulently issued, and as a result ol a conspiracy, and that the vote of tbe State has never been com-piled or canvassed. The same rul-ings substantially were made in the case of Florida. Tbe commission also refused to bear proof that at tb» time of the electiou in South Carolina anarchy prevailed, des-troying tbc republican form ol gov-ernmeut in that State, aud that troops were returned there in vio-lation of the Constitution to inter-fere with the free choice by election so that the lawful vote of that State could not be known. Against these decisions we protest most earnestly, in the name of free aud republican government. Iu the first place, they struck a fatal blow at the con-stitutional power of the two houses to count the electoral vote. This power has been exercised by both houses without dispute from the foundation of the government. That evidence should be received in cases of contested returns seems clear. The principle has been main-tained by tbe ablest statesmen the country has produced. It w is the practise confined to the principle iu secret session-, notably in the case of Louisiana itself in 1869 and 1873. Such evidently was the view of both houses at the preseut session ; the investigating committees were sent to Florida, South Carolina aud Lou-isiana to take testimony aud report as to Ibe elections in those state-*. It is difficult to see upon what prin-ciple this view can be based. The duty of Congress is to count the vote. This makes the enactmcut of the vote to be counted. This again makes the deteimination of what is tbe true vote aud the distinguish-ing ot the false from the true. This requires evidence, for wheu the taise and tbe fraudulent have beeu approaced to themselves the forms of law expressing the tact canuot be made unless evidence be admit-ted ; for it fraud possesses the re-count, how cau the success ot false-hood be prevented if either jury be denied ? The action of the commis sion disables Congress from per-forming a certaiu constitutional duty. In the second place, this decision nullifies au article of the Constitution. In section 1, art. 44, it is provided : "But no senator or representative or persou holdiug an office of trust or profit under tin United Stater shall lie appointed an elector." If tbe State choose elec-tors who are ineligible, how can this provision be made effectual f The State, by its action, has refused to repeal it. Manifestly it can then only be euforced by the power au-thorized to paso upon tbe vote wbicb the State has returned : Congress, then in counting the vote must determine who are uot eligible electors—(acts which can only be ascertained by evideuce aliundc.— Auy other doctrine abrogates the previous construction, and in effect substitutes the following: "Sena-tors, Representatives and all per-sons holding offices of trnst or profit under tbe United States may-lie appointed electors/' lu tbe tbiid place, the doctrine ignores all the precedents and rules of morals iu excluding the evidence of fraud submitted. Nothing can stand which is tarnished by fraud. It vitiates everything. It annuls ev-ery deed, cancels every obligation, annuls every contract and u-verses every judgment. Every tribunal, however organized, is bound to re gard every lauduleut transaction as a nullity, however it may come be fore it. whether directly, iuan iude-peudent proceeding or colaterally The decision ot the highest tribunal, if procured through fraud, should be treated as of no effect by the humblest court of the land. As said by a distinguished writer, " It matters not whether the judgment impugned has been pronounced b.' an inferior or tbe highest court in the land, but in all cases alike, it is competent for every court whether inferior or su|>erior, to treat as a nullity auy judgment that can be clearly shown to have been obtain ed by manifest Iraud. It remained for this decisiou to declare that there were certain tribunals which could perpetrate fraud with impu-nity, and that there was one court which could not lay its hands upon fraud when brought before it (or view. Those exceptional tribunals were the re'urniug boards of Flori-da and Louisiana. That exceptional court is the Electoral; Commission. Fraud has found an eutrenchmeut from which it cannDt be driven, iu a contest makiug the choice of the highest officer of the greatest of republics. A doctrine more corrupt iu its con-sequences, more destructive of the purity of elections and more threat ening to the perpetuity of free government could not easily be found. It is sought to justify this decision by an appeal to State sov-ereignty. The argument is that, as tbe States choose their electors iu a sovereigu capacity, their de-cision cannot be reversed by auy other authority. This proposition pushes to its furthermost limit the doctrine of State rights. The the-ory of the most advanced advocates of that school was only that the States were sovereign as to the re served powers over them which were delegated. It was conceded that the Constitution was supreme. The power to choose electors would not have existed except tor the Consti-tution. It was therefore a delegated power. The Legislature of the State chooses electors by virtue of the constitutional provisions. It is a duty to be performed by the State while in the Union. It can-not perform it before admission nor after the Union is disputed. Can it be possible that there is no power in the Union to determine how the duty has beeu performed and whether in compliance with the constitutional provisions? To as-sert this doctrine is to declare the absolute independence of the States, to deny the Supremacy of tbe Constitntion and to leave the United States powerles against the fraud or violence of the included States, which may force a President upon the people. The power to re-view the action of the electoral colleges seems necessarily to be de-nied from the nature of a confeder-ated government. If one party to the compact possesses a power as to its subject matter superior to the power created by the agreement,the compact inevitably tails for it is impossible for a confederacy to ex-ist unless the jurisdiction of its in-dividual members as to powers committed to confederation is subor-dinated to the larger jurisdiction of the later. For example, in this case one State cau receive its func-tions as to electing a President in violation of the Constitution with-out any power iu the Union to re-verse its action, then a Constitution was unnecessary for the delegatii of power, aud the nation may be governed iu violation of the very instrument which created it. Rut whatever the power of Congress as to the authority over the vote of electors, it is certain that it is not bound to treat as valid fraudulent certificates. It matters not how absolute the sovereignty under which a Iraud is perpetrated, it cannot receive protection nor be granted recognition. It there be a II :initial towliieh the certificates are submitted, it is bound to treat them as worthless. The certificates were charged to be fraudulent The commission, if it counted them,gave them validity. It was its duty to bear the facts to prevent the suc-cess of fraud, even though the cer tificates came from a sovereignty a hundred-fold greater than Louisiana or Florida. By these methods, un-der the forms prescribed by the law constituting the Electoral Commis-sion, Rutherford B. Hayes has been declared President of the United States. His title rests upon the disfran-chisement of lawful voters, the false certificates of returning offi-cers acting corruptly, and the de-cision of a Commission which has refused to hear evidence ol alleged fraud. For the fust time are the American people confronted with the fact of a President fraudulently elected. His inauguration will In-peaceful, and in that hour the most infamous conspiracy of all history will receive its crown. Iu the ex-citing days just past the forbear-ance of the people, has maintained the peace. Let it not, however, be understood from this that the fraud to be consummated March 4 will be Hayes' Inaugural Address. FELLOW-CITIZENS :—We have assembled to repeat the public cere-monies begun by Washington, ob served by all my predecessors, and now a time honored custom which matks tbe commencement of a new term of the Presidential office- Called to the duties of this great trust, I proceed, in accordance with usage, to announce some of the leading principles on the subjects that now chiefly engage the public attention, by which it is my desire to be guided in the discharge of these duties. I shall not undertake to lay down irrevocably principles or speak of the motives which should animate us and to suggest certain important ends to be attained in accordance with onr institutions aud essential to the welfare of our country. At the outset of the discussions which preceded the recent presi-dential election, it seemed to me fitting that I should fully make known my sentiments in regard to several of the important questions which then appeared to demand the consideration of the country. Fol-lowing the example, and in part adopting the language of one of my predecessors, 1 wish now, wheu every motive for misrepresentation has passed away, to repeat what was said before the election—trust-tliat my countrymen will candidly weigh and understand it, and that they will teel assured that the senti-ments declared iu accepting the nomination for the presidency will be the standard of my conduct in the patch before me charged, as 1 now am, with the grave and difficult task of carrying them out in the practical administration of tbe government, so far as depends un-der the Constitution and laws ou the chief Executive of the nation. SOfTIIRRN POLICY. The permanent pacification of the country, upon such principles and by such measures as will secure the complete protection of all its citi/.eus in the free enjoyment, of all their constitutional rights, is now the one subject in our public affairs uliiiii all thoughtful and patriotic citizens regard as ot supreme im-portance. Many of the calamitous effects of the tremendous revolution which has passed over the Southeru States still remain. The immeas-urable benefits which will surely follow, sooner or later, the hearty aud generous acceptance of the legitimate results of that revolution have not jet beeu realized. Diffi-cult pud embarrassing questions meet us at the threshhold of this Subject, The people of those States are still impoverished, and the in-estimable blessing of wise, honest and local self-government is uot fully enjoyed. Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the cause of this condition of things, the fact is clear that in the progress of events the time has come wheu such government is the imperative neces-sity required by all the varied in-terests, public and private, of those States. But it must not be forgot-ten that only a local government which recognizes aud maintains in-violate the rights of all is a trae self government. With respect to the two distinct races whose pe ctiliar relations to each other have brought upon usthedeplorablecom-plications and perplexities which exist in those States, it must be a government which guards the in-terests of both rates carefully aud equally. It must be a government which submits loyally aud heartily to the Constitution aud tbe laws; the laws of the nation and the laws of the States themselves, accepting aud obeying faithfully the whole Constiiulion as it is; and resting upon Ihese sure and substantial foundations the superstructure of beuefiuent local governments cau be built up and uot otherwise. In furtherance of such obedience to the letter and the spirit of the Con-stitution, and in behalf of all that its attainment implies, all so-called party interests lose their apparent importance and party lines may-well be permitted to fade into in- Bignifieance. The question we have to consider for the immediate wel-fare of those States ot the Uuion, is the question of government or no government, of social order and all the peaceful industries aud tbe happiness that belong to it, or a re-turn to barbarism. It is a question in which every citizen of the nation is deeply interested, and with re-spect to" which we ought not to be, lands, we are reminded by tbe in-ternational complications abroad threatening the peace of Europe, that our traditional rule of non- in-terference in tbe affairs of foreign natious bas proved of great value ; in past times and ought to be strict-ly observed. The policy inaugu-rated by my honored predecessor, President Grant, of submitting to arbitration, grave questions of dis- ; pute between ourselves aud foreign I powers, points to a new and incom-parably the best instrumentality i lor the preservation of peace, and means at tbe disposal of my ad-ministration, I am sincerely anxious to use every legitimate influence in I C00*1 W'H. 1 believe, become a bone-favor of honest and efficient local j nceQt example of the course to be self government as the true resource ! pursued in similar emergencies by of those States for tbe promotion other nations. If unhappily, ques-of the contentment of their citizens. ItioB8 of difference should, at any In the effort I shall make to accom- time during the period of my ad-ministration, arise between the j United States and any foreign gov-i eminent, it will certainly be my dis-position and my hope to aid iu their plish this purpose. I ask the cordial co-operation of all who cherish an interest in tbe welfare of the coun-try, trusting that party ties and I prejudice of race will be freely sur- j rendered in behalf of the great pur- i pose to be accomplished. In the important work of iestor ! ing the South, it is not the political situation alone that merits atten I tion ; the material development of | that section of the country has been arrested by the social and political ' revolutiou through which it has! passed, and now needs aud deserves i tbe considerate care of the nation-al government within thejust limits prescribed by the Constitution and wise Republican economy. EDUCATION. At the basis of all prosperity for that as well as for every other part of the couutry lies the improve-ment of the intellectual and moral condition of the people. Universal suffrage should rest upon universal edncation. To this end liberal and "ie O00"""* '" the electoral votes, permaueut provision should i„, "houhl bo referred to the decisiou made for the support of free schools J** tribunal, established by law, by the State governments, and if 'or "lls sow purpose, its members need be, supplemented by legiti !l" "' them men of long established mate aid from national authority, reputation tor integrity and Intel- Let me assure my countrvmen ot ''Kimoe, and with the exception of the Southern States, that it is my ' ",08e w,1° nr'' als" members of the earnest desire to regard and pro settlement in the same peaceful and honorable way, thus securing to our country the groat blessings of peace aud mutual good offices with all the nations of the world. TIIE SITUATION. Fellow-citizens, we have reached the close of a political contest marked by the excitement which usually attends the contests be-tween great political parties whose members espouse and advocate with earnest taith their respective creeds. The circumstances were |>erhnps in no respect extraordinary save in the closeness and the consequent uncertainty ot the result. For the first time in the history -if the conn try it has boon deemed best in view ot the peculiar circumstances of the case, that the objections and ques-tions in dispute with reference to mote their truest interests, the in-terest of the white aud of the col-ored people both and equally, and to put forth my best efforts in bo-half of a civil policy which will forever wipe out in our political affairs the color line aud the dis-tinction between North aud South; to the end that we may not have merely a united North and a uuited South, but a united country. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. I ask the attention of the public to the paramount necessity of re-form in our civil service ; a reform supreme judiciary, chosen equally from both political parties. Its declarations enlightened by re-search ami the arguments of able counsel were entitled to the fullest confidenceol tbe American people. Its decisions have been patiently waited for ami accepted as legally conclusive by the general judgment of the public. For the present, opinion will widely vary as to the wisdom oi the several conclusions announced by that tribunal. This is to be anticipated in every in stance where matters of dispute are made the subject ol arbitration under the lours ol law; human uot merely as to certain abuses ami judgment is nevi r unerring and is practices of so.called official pat-ronage, which have come to have the sanctiou of usage in the several departments ot our government, but a chauge in the system of ap-pointment itself; a reform that shall be thorough, radical and complete : a return to the principles aud prac-tices of the founders ol the govern ment. They neither expected nor desired that public officers should owe their whole service to the gov-ernment and to the people; they meant that the officer should be se-cure iu his teuure as long as bis personal character remained un-tarnished and the performance of his duties satisfactory; they held that appointments to office were not to be made uor expected merely as rewards for partisan services, nor merely on the nomination ol mem-bers of Oongress as beiug entitled in any respect to the conrol ol such appointments, and tbe fact both of the great political parties of I lie country in declaring their principles prior to the election, gave a promi-nent place to the subject of the re form of our civil service, recogniz-ing aud strongly urging its neces-sity, in terms almost identical iu their specific import with those I have here employed, mnst be ac-cepted as a conclusive argument in behalf of these measures. It must be regarded as the expression ol tbe united voice and will of the whole country upon this subject: aud both political parties are virt-ually pledged to give it their unre-served support. The President of the United States of necessity owe. his election to office to the suffrage and labors ot a political party the members of wbicb cherish with rarely regarded as otherwise than wrong by the unsuccessful party in the contest. The fact that two great political panics have in this way settled a dispute, in regard to which good men differ as to the lacts and the law no less than as to the proper oouri e to be pursued in solving tbe question in control is an occasion for general rejoicing. Upon one point there is entire una-nimity in public sentiment that I-dieting claims to the ptesii] must be amicablj and peaceably adjusted, and that, when so ad-justed, the general acquiescence oi the nation oii'^ht smelv to follow. It has in en reserved foi a govern-ment of the people, when the right of suffrage is universal, to give to the world the first example in his tory of a great nation, in the midst of a struggle of Opposing parlies for power, hushing its party tu molts to yield the issue of the con test to adjustment according to the forms ol law. I. Hiking for the guidance ot that Divinity, by which the destinies of nations and individuals are shaped, 1 call upou yon Senators, Bepre Beiitati\es, Judges, Pel low-citizens, ben ..::<! everywhere, to unite with me in an earuesl elf o < cue to oui country the blessings no'l ••:\\\ of material prosperity, but of jus-tice, peace and union, a union de-pending not upon tbe constraint ol force, but upon the loving devotion of free people "anil thai all things maj be so ordered and settled upon the best and surest foundations that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may he established among ns for all gen orations." [Quoted from tbe Bpii Bile'uifv acquiesced in by tbe conn- in a partisan sense, either Repub-ttrryv- Let no hour pass in which the licans or Democrats. usurpation is forgottou. Let a tation be increasing that at every opportunity the people may ex-press their abhorrence of the out-rage. Let want of confidence be voted at every election in Mr. Hayes and his administration. liotb mnst bo controlled by conspirators who have one and will organize the other, and whatever of good may come from either will be alwajs darken-ed by tbe stain upon their title. Let the Democratic party at once organize for the new contests to se-cure overwhelming victories, that conspirators may never again at-tempt the experiment which now humiliates the republic and bas in stalled in its highest office a usurp-er. (Signed.) FRANK H. UUKD, O. RANDALL L. GIBSON, La. JOSIAH G. ABBOTT, Mass. OTHO R. BWGtETOS, Miss. WM. P. I.YNDF.. Wis. Many vears ago a well-to-do farm-er lelt Hawesville, Ky.. to bettei bis fortune in tbe West. He had nearly passe:! from the memory ol nil. The hearts of his friends beat with joy when they heard that a postal card had been received say ing that if be bad not lost his citi zensbip he would like to be admit-ted to the poorhouse. But, fellow-citizens aud fellow-men to whom the interests of a common country and a common hn manity are dear, the sweeping revo-lotion of the entire labor system of j a large portion of our country and the advance of tour millions of peo-ple from a condition of servitude elected the to that of citizenship and upon an equal footing with their former masters, could uot occnr without ating problems of the gravest moment, to be dealt with by the emancipated race, by their former masters, and by tbe general govern-ment, the author of the act of emancipation. That it was a wise, just and providential act, fraught with good for all concerned, is now generally conceded throughout the country: that a moral obligation resis upou the National Govern-ment to employ its constitutional power and influence to establish the rights of the people it has emanci-pated, and to protect them in tbe enjoyment of those rights wheu they are infringed or assailed is also generally admitted. The evils which atrlict tbe Southern States cau ouly be removed oi remedied by the united aud harmonious ef-forts of both races, actuated by mo-t'ves of mutual sympathy and re gard. And while in duty bound and fully determined to protect the lights of all by the constitutional ardor and legard as of essential copal Prayer book.] importance, the principles of their _______ party organization, bnt he should strive to be always mindful of tin-fact that he serves his party best, who serves the country beak FURTHER REFORM—THE PRESI-DENTIAL TERM. Iu furtherance of the reform we seek, and in other important re spects. a change of gieat import ance, I recommend an amendment to the Constitution prescribing a term of six years for the Presi-dential office, and forbidding a re-election. FINANCIAL AFFAIRS. With respect to the financial con-dition of the county, I shall not at-tempt an extended history of the embarrassment and prostration which we have suffered during the past three years. The depression in all onr varied commercial and manufacturing intereHts throughout the country, which began in Sep-tember, 1873, still continues. It is very gratifying, however, to be able to say that there are indications all around us of a coming chauge to prosperous times. Upon the cur rency question, intimately con-nected as it is with this topic. 1 may-be permitted to repeat, here the statement made in my letter ol ac-ceptance that in my judgment the feeling of uncertainty, inseparable trom our irredeemable paper cur- ! rency with its fluctuations of values, is one of tbe greatest obstacles to a return to prosperous times. The only safe paper currency is one which rests upon a coin basis and is at all times and promptly con-vertible into coin. I adhere to the views heretofore expressed by me in favor of Congressional legisla tion in behalf of an early resump tion of specie payment, and I am satisfied, not only that this is wise. but that tbe interests, as well as the public sentiment of the country, demand it. OUR FOBEIUN RELATIONS. Passiug from these remarks upon the condition of our own country to consider our relations with other Common malformation- -Too long a tongue. Russia has .,io monasteries and convents which enjoys an annual income ol marly $7 000,000, i- OS • ': 'ling gen-tleman that is als ays d by the girl be loves—bis portrait. Kansas anticipates a very large immigration in the spring from Wis-consin, Minnesota and Michigan. It is sad to reflect that the young woman a bo was last New \'. presenting her Charles with a vel-vet pin cushion, because be had •' swore "li," ma hence be ing a yellow patch on • lie basement ol bis gre; And yet, such is life. A Bbeep ranch ol I has jUBt been surveyed in Menard county, Texas, for a Ten breeder. The " blue glass" cure must be a homospathic remedy, on the prin-cipal thai p IOCS will cure | A glae bli wei is n lently died at the age ol 110 age is aootber prool of tbe truth of tbe - theory. To oppose the do.: tiouists anew Free Trade Union ha- been opened iii ' iermanj. the head office at Berlin and branches at Bremen, Stuttgart and sic. A Mewark woman married a policeman because,as she explained, aer mothei was once robbed ol two dr<—s. and she though' i man was a good thing to have about the house. A fragment ol a mi teoi fi el In [owa and was carried away by the man who found it. The owne#of the ground sued to recover the ' curiosity, and tbe suit was decided iu his favor.
Object Description
Title | The Greensboro patriot [March 14, 1877] |
Date | 1877-03-14 |
Editor(s) | Duffy, P.F. |
Subject headings | Greensboro (N.C.)--Newspapers |
Place | Greensboro (N.C.) |
Description | The March 14, 1877, issue of The Greensboro Patriot, a newspaper published in Greensboro, N.C. by P.F. Duffy. |
Type | Text |
Original format | Newspapers |
Original publisher | Greensboro, N.C. : P.F. Duffy |
Language | eng |
Contributing institution | UNCG University Libraries |
Newspaper name | The Greensboro Patriot |
Rights statement | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/ |
Additional rights information | NO COPYRIGHT - UNITED STATES. This item has been determined to be free of copyright restrictions in the United States. The user is responsible for determining actual copyright status for any reuse of the material. |
Object ID | patriot-1877-03-14 |
Digital publisher | The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, University Libraries, PO Box 26170, Greensboro NC 27402-6170, 336.334.5304 |
Digitized by | Creekside Media |
Sponsor | Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation |
OCLC number | 871564506 |
Page/Item Description
Title | Page 1 |
Full text | THE PATRIOT PUBLISHED WEEKLY 4f GREENSBORO, N. C. BLI8HED IN 18811.4a ..Wtcat.and best Newg-ili. Mate! Proprietor ranabiy iuadvan—: • 1 . - ni"iitl•« $!."•■ age-ibseribarae. _ ,. v\>\ TISINO. The Greensboro Patriot. Established in 1821. WEDNESDAY, MARCH M, 1877. | New Series No. 467. THE DEMOCRATIC ADDRE8S. A Protest Against the De-claration of the Elections of Hayes. - ; liable — ■*" : winentK (insifrly THE dHABOBS OP OOK8PIRAGT A.\D St BSTANTIATBD. REITIILICAN CORRUPTION 1 i III lj H2 id . ia •21 1- . .til 1- ■ „ !i | - :i" SO ;" Ml 90 140 MdloMte fifty p« |T| M>./.-tr»l»»' Administrator! no- . , ..liuuii advertise- «i professional Cards. ,,.. JOHN N..STAPI.K MENDENHALL & STAPLES, ., nil UNK V SAT LAW, i.K • E!«S»OBO, K.C. rthe, Stokas, Ran- , *o, r B. Circuit anil .. attention K'v •*" t(' i| llie .State, and to North nt Court House. > « Ml Kit P, I w.liWKI.I.. »i OTT A « ALDWEIX. S8BORO, N- C. ., th< B i|>erior Court ol \V lolpb, Darid- |.. ell uid fctecklen- 8 ipreme Court of lb* ,; Coon at Greensboro « leevi ,.ud in oourts :. I *_f of money . M iritiee. w 1)' .lO. \v. GLENN, ATTORNEY AT LAW Heidm/Ule, N. C. i ., the Courts of the . attention given to 75-1$. « ,i. ^•■•■-■»nKsl,i:c.nri.LY OFFERS HIS PROFESSIONAL SERVICES Oretiuboro. I ll> llll. BAME AS THOSE Otbei Practicing /•;,„,, iniM of Hit' Wry. _ lOIIA V. BARBMOEB, J A I 1'OKNEl Al LAW, I onrU I i ntbanj 1 .... n I i- haudd will o« led to. H Photograph Do irt Houao. „ II GRKOURY. ; & GREGORY, rORI.'EY S AT LAW ■ GRf I f BBORO, N. C ... ., ilm State ai rt Federsl \\ lb< firm can l>e al I 7€ :... D. A. & R. F. ROBERTSON, RGEON DENTISTS, nboro, C. • of ihi'm % ran and iv. On alwnya IIH at ihfir ofi«« 0- Lindeny'i i ornti III ■tfAin.eiitiUUM M % r k • I s.ih-rrt.■■ u v re? erence given, ii d. S13 it Ml 1»li \|. 4 \ltlft. The under-f noun* e t<> lii*- friundM nni he h;is -ervi'd ft»r tbc M.H i ice "i* Ins pro-ban dm ing t be pwl fall trough conn- iii Q the city t>i .ri the I'alhology ami treat* liiu in PBMAUCS, . I .1! !>..• intUMi- -.irv in Iliis ! i. .-. nlao, pre> -..,-■• - of the <\ e A i u found at the Drug ,v Bon, when nut K. \\. GLENN 1)i.\> i ■ us not si;: I KSBORO, V t In the center of ii, -i one to the .. Bovo- .ll.MU LOCATED. THE TABLE lieat. ilio rooms are and neatly Ibrnialied Terms.redneed t' ONLY $1.50 PER DAY. the Month on • • I < nils. ■■■ Depot Free. ■i. It b'lELD. • I i insamebloek t' lake yon to inj "ate rates. \. »;I.I:>\ St v<»>. I a W.i: AND UKTAIl. DKUGG ISTS. , sr. c. .■ i ., T) ugs, \iedii im ■. Paimt*, - 'Ni> PERFUMES? DRUG STORE. i untry M.-i, i..ni- sad ins n our line Mi Cheaper, Than be bought North and 1 :.-v eanaot be iaiis house. E iiD.M A CALL! WASHINGTON, Marcb *.—The fol lowing 18 the iiddr. ^s aduptftl by tlif Deuooratie uintii>.-is <>t the' IIIIUKH of RepiPaeotativea at tho csaoaa li»-l«l Sstardpy ev« March A, in t!ie hall ol the House: To THE AMERICAN PEOPLE : We Nubtnit to tlie country the following review of the events wbicb havt- re.sulted in the declara-tion that Rutherford 15. Haves has been elected President of the Unit-ed Statev. lu the late political can-vacs two facts stood out prominent-ly— first, the BepablicM party, true to its sectional nature, sought to unify the North against the " solid South r" and while engaged in that effort it was striving to make good its probable losses in the North by dividing the votes of the South. This division it bought to effect by an unconstitutional use of tbe at my in South Carolina, Louisiana and Florida. Second, the troops were sent to those States when there was neither invasion nor domestic insurrection to require Ih.-in. With the legislature easily to be convened, the only demand for their preseuce was made by the State Executive. The elections in these States, therefore, were held in the shadow of the military pow-er. The bayonets glistened at tbe polls, lu depositing their ballots the mi/pus enjoyed only such liber-ty as the army permitted. In the other States the elections were un-usually peaceful. Immediately af-terwards the result showed that lOOTilden electors had been chosen. Ot the whole popular vote they re-ceived a majority ol more than a quarter ol a million, and ol' that of the Caucasian race, which controls every other Christian and civilized government of the world, they re-ceived a majority of more than one million. On the day succeeding the election it was announced by the Chairman of the Republican X;> tional Committee that 184 Tildeu and 18i» Hayes electors had been chosen. Nothing had then been learned of the election excepting the vote actually cast. It has never since been disputed that by that rote a majority ot Tildeu electors had been appointed. Such an an Donncemei t, then-lore, could onlj have been made in pursuance ot an arrangement to change the vote shown to have been given by the people. We charge that after the true re-mit hail been proclaimed, a con-spiracy was formed by the Repub-lican leadets to reverse I be decision made at t he polls. Th- field chosen Foi the development of tbe eon- •piracy was the Btatea ol Florida ami l.mi.siana. The persona i act with the original i inspirators were the Governors and members 01 tV ret'truit.g boards of those States.— The field was well chosen, and the State officers selected were suitable persons for the work to be done.— For more than ten years those States had been subjected to gov erumeuts uot of their choice. Taxa-tion and maladministration had rob bed them of their substance and well nigh destroyed their spirit and hope. The army of the United States had been freely used to maintain those governments in their acts of corruption and usurpa-tion. It was believed that its ser vices would aid in the designed cou spiracy. The names of the officers depended upon are Marcellus L. Stearns, Samuel J5. McL'tin anil Clayton A. Cowgill, of Florida; and Wm. Pitt Kellogg, J. Madison Wells, Thos. 15. Auderson, E. Oase nave aud ,). I!. Kenner, of Louis iaua. These men were uot strangers to the American people. They had before usurped authority. The re-turning boards of those States had made themselves by-words in the laud. The Governors were known to be pretenders. If there were two names dishonored iu general estimation they were the names ot Wm. Pitt Kellogg and J. Madison Wells. To such men was the work ot consummating the conspiracy confided. Tbey entered upon their task with alacrity, advised and en couraged by leading " visiting" Re publican statesmen of the North.— They took each step with delibera tlon aud apparent regard for law. Iletore the election iu Louisiana Win. I'itt Kellogg and his subor-dinates assumed exclusive control ot the execution of the registry law. Tbey ietused registration to thousands entitled to it, anil added thousands to the lists who had no right to vote. Ou the day of elec-tion the polls were managed by officials appointed by the Governor. There were in nearly every instance members ol the Republican party. Uuited States marshals swarmed at every precinct wheu thought neces-sary under pretence of preserving ibe peace, bnl in net to intimidaii voteis. Ballot-hoses were stuffed in tbe interest of Republican eandi dates. Poll books were falsified in Mm instances and then returned to the canvassing board, while in other cases returns giving Demo-cratic majorities were withheld from ti-.f canvassers altogether. Attei n-t urns bad been delivered to the board tbey remained in its ex : is>\.- i,,,.,M-SMOII, and while tbey wen opened with its conseut the original papers wee abstracted aud false ones substituted in their e • ad When tbe returns weie opeued the uoard, with an appearame oi fair-uess, permitted persona represent-ing both parties to bo present but when the decision was made as to what should be counted secret ses-sions were held from which every Democrat was excluded, although the law constituting the board re-quired ;hat it should be composed ot representatives of both political parties. In counting the votes it exercised powers not conferred by the statue, and in the most flagrant disregard ol truth and just'eo the members of the. board changed poll-books, so that Republican officers appeared to be chosen where their op|ionf-uts had, in fact, been elected. They torged the names of officer? to the certificates of election. They threw ont votes of precincts upon affidavits which they knew had been fraudulently obtained; in-deed, they themselves ordered false affidavits to be made hundreds of miles from the places at which they purported to have been taken, in order that a decision might appear justified which they had in advance determined to make. They arbi-trarily threw out votes where there was no preliminary statement from the commissioners of election to give them jurisdiction. They cor-ruptly, in order to elect favorites and to correct the mistakes of cer-tain Republicans in voting for elect-ors, added to the list of votes which had never been cast. While con-sidering the case members of the board endeavored to enter into negotiations with both the Repub-lican and Democratic Nationai Com-mittees to sell their decision. A half million of dollars was the price asked. Not obtaining it, they tried to bargain with leading Democrats of Louisiana to elect the State ticket of their party. J. Madison Wells, with the approval of Thos. C. Anderson, offered to elect the Nicholls State ticket for $200,000 cash in hand. The money was not paid. Negotiations were then re-newed, if ever broken off, with the leaders of the Republican party.— The result was declared in its favor. The chief conspirator, J. Madison Wells, admitted that he was paid by that organization for his decis ion. In Florida the same frauds char-acterized the returns and the ac-tion of the returning boards; votes were thrown out with the same dis-regard of justice. Besides, in that State it refused to regard the or-ders of the courts of competent ju-lisdiction, and proceeded in the must defiant contempt of judicial authority. In this manner more than one thousand Tildeu votes were thrown out in Florida, and in 'Hi' ■. I an 'en thousand in Louisi-ana. Tbe votes of those States, in consequence of the conspiracy, which in fact had been cast tor Til-deu, were given to Hayes. The on-ly excuse for this outrageous re venal of the judgment of the peo-ple is that intimidation had been practiced by the whiter, against the blacks where the votes were thrown out. Whether this intimidation compelled some persons to vote against I heir will, or prevented some from attending tbe polls, it afforded iu neither case-a justifies tion of the deliberate rejection of ballots by tbe returning board. But the statute of Louisiana ouly authorised proof of intimidation in cases where charges of violence sere made i-i writing by the com-missioners of election, on the day when the election was held. These charges were to be enclosed to the board in the envelope containing the returns. In a tew cases, only, were the charges made as required; in the others evidence w^s received without proper foundation having been laid. The evidence received consisted in the main of affidavits written out by clerks and employes ot the returning board, without ev-er having been seen by the persons purporting to verify them, or the officers purporting to certify this ; there was, therefore, no adequate proof of intimidation. It may be remarked here that the temptation to Kellogg and his re-turning board was very great to manufacture cases of intimidation, for it was only on them that tbe Democratic majority could be over-thrown and the conspiracy be sne cesssful. We should not tail to call the attention of tbe people to tbe dangerous effect of the doctrine of intimidation in politics. It disqual-ifies from voting not only the pat-ties to the act of intimidation but all those who havo voted at the same precincts with them. Two persons may conclude to make a case of intimitlation and thereby cause a parish casting thousands ol votes to be rejected. It makes elec-tions a farce. It takes tbe power from the people to rest in returning boards. It enables the latter to impose the severest of political pen-alties, disfiauchisement, without giving the persons punished an op-portunity of a hearing or trial. A republic deserves to lose its liber-ties if it tolerates such outrages for an hour. By this disregard of law, disobedience of courts and con tempt ot the rights ot the voters by their frauds, aud corruptions and usurpations, by their briberies and perjuries and forgeries did the con-spirators obtain the certificates of election for the Republican candi-dates iu the Southern States nam-ed. From the day that tbe cirt ili cates were issued to the Hayes elec-tors in Louisiana and Florida, the country has been tilled with au un precedented excitement. The peo-ple have done little else than en-gage in discussion as lo the fraudu-lent conduct ol tuese returning boards. In this condition ot affairs business has been generally BUS ponded : (allure.- have been ttequon; and prostration has seized upon nearly every iuterest in the laud. When this excitement was at its height Congress assembled. Oue of its duties was to count the elect-oral vote ol the States, including Florida and Louisiana. With the view ot facilitating the count and providing for the peaceful perform auceot its duty by Congress, a bill was passed creating tbe Electoral Commission- By that law tbe com mission was to ascertain the true and lawful vote of every State. In this labor it was to exercise as to hearing of evidence and examina-tion of papers soch power as Con-gress, or either house of Congress, possessed. In the belief that evi-dence would be heard and that a settlement of the disputed question of facts would be fairly reached, tbe Congress and the people ac cepted the commission. How that confidence has been disappointed, bow a decision bas been made bused upon a refusal to consider the un fortunate question of tbe dispute, is well knowu to the country. When the certificates from Florida and Louisiana were opened and submit-ted to tbe two houses, objections were riled to those presented by the Hayes electors. Among other grounds of objectectiou, it was urged than these certificates had been fraudulently and corruptly issued by the returning boards and Executives of these States, and as a result of a conspiracy between them aud the electors claiming to have been chosen. That such cer-tificates had been issued in viola-tion of the laws of tbe respective States aud that some ot the electors named therein were ineligible by the express provision of the consti-tution of the Uuited States. Wheu these objections were made before the commission proof was offered to the commission to sustain them. The commission, by a vote of eight to seven, refused to receive the tes-timony offered except as to the in-eligibility of a single member in Florida. It was voted iu the case of Louisiana that the commission would not hear evidence to show that the returning board was au un-constitutional body; that it was nut organized as the law required at the time the vote was canvassed j that it had no jurisdiction to can-vass the electoral vote; that the charges of riot, intimidation aud violence were false, and that the re-turning board knew that fact; that the certificates were corruptly and fraudulently issued, and as a result ol a conspiracy, and that the vote of tbe State has never been com-piled or canvassed. The same rul-ings substantially were made in the case of Florida. Tbe commission also refused to bear proof that at tb» time of the electiou in South Carolina anarchy prevailed, des-troying tbc republican form ol gov-ernmeut in that State, aud that troops were returned there in vio-lation of the Constitution to inter-fere with the free choice by election so that the lawful vote of that State could not be known. Against these decisions we protest most earnestly, in the name of free aud republican government. Iu the first place, they struck a fatal blow at the con-stitutional power of the two houses to count the electoral vote. This power has been exercised by both houses without dispute from the foundation of the government. That evidence should be received in cases of contested returns seems clear. The principle has been main-tained by tbe ablest statesmen the country has produced. It w is the practise confined to the principle iu secret session-, notably in the case of Louisiana itself in 1869 and 1873. Such evidently was the view of both houses at the preseut session ; the investigating committees were sent to Florida, South Carolina aud Lou-isiana to take testimony aud report as to Ibe elections in those state-*. It is difficult to see upon what prin-ciple this view can be based. The duty of Congress is to count the vote. This makes the enactmcut of the vote to be counted. This again makes the deteimination of what is tbe true vote aud the distinguish-ing ot the false from the true. This requires evidence, for wheu the taise and tbe fraudulent have beeu approaced to themselves the forms of law expressing the tact canuot be made unless evidence be admit-ted ; for it fraud possesses the re-count, how cau the success ot false-hood be prevented if either jury be denied ? The action of the commis sion disables Congress from per-forming a certaiu constitutional duty. In the second place, this decision nullifies au article of the Constitution. In section 1, art. 44, it is provided : "But no senator or representative or persou holdiug an office of trust or profit under tin United Stater shall lie appointed an elector." If tbe State choose elec-tors who are ineligible, how can this provision be made effectual f The State, by its action, has refused to repeal it. Manifestly it can then only be euforced by the power au-thorized to paso upon tbe vote wbicb the State has returned : Congress, then in counting the vote must determine who are uot eligible electors—(acts which can only be ascertained by evideuce aliundc.— Auy other doctrine abrogates the previous construction, and in effect substitutes the following: "Sena-tors, Representatives and all per-sons holding offices of trnst or profit under tbe United States may-lie appointed electors/' lu tbe tbiid place, the doctrine ignores all the precedents and rules of morals iu excluding the evidence of fraud submitted. Nothing can stand which is tarnished by fraud. It vitiates everything. It annuls ev-ery deed, cancels every obligation, annuls every contract and u-verses every judgment. Every tribunal, however organized, is bound to re gard every lauduleut transaction as a nullity, however it may come be fore it. whether directly, iuan iude-peudent proceeding or colaterally The decision ot the highest tribunal, if procured through fraud, should be treated as of no effect by the humblest court of the land. As said by a distinguished writer, " It matters not whether the judgment impugned has been pronounced b.' an inferior or tbe highest court in the land, but in all cases alike, it is competent for every court whether inferior or su|>erior, to treat as a nullity auy judgment that can be clearly shown to have been obtain ed by manifest Iraud. It remained for this decisiou to declare that there were certain tribunals which could perpetrate fraud with impu-nity, and that there was one court which could not lay its hands upon fraud when brought before it (or view. Those exceptional tribunals were the re'urniug boards of Flori-da and Louisiana. That exceptional court is the Electoral; Commission. Fraud has found an eutrenchmeut from which it cannDt be driven, iu a contest makiug the choice of the highest officer of the greatest of republics. A doctrine more corrupt iu its con-sequences, more destructive of the purity of elections and more threat ening to the perpetuity of free government could not easily be found. It is sought to justify this decision by an appeal to State sov-ereignty. The argument is that, as tbe States choose their electors iu a sovereigu capacity, their de-cision cannot be reversed by auy other authority. This proposition pushes to its furthermost limit the doctrine of State rights. The the-ory of the most advanced advocates of that school was only that the States were sovereign as to the re served powers over them which were delegated. It was conceded that the Constitution was supreme. The power to choose electors would not have existed except tor the Consti-tution. It was therefore a delegated power. The Legislature of the State chooses electors by virtue of the constitutional provisions. It is a duty to be performed by the State while in the Union. It can-not perform it before admission nor after the Union is disputed. Can it be possible that there is no power in the Union to determine how the duty has beeu performed and whether in compliance with the constitutional provisions? To as-sert this doctrine is to declare the absolute independence of the States, to deny the Supremacy of tbe Constitntion and to leave the United States powerles against the fraud or violence of the included States, which may force a President upon the people. The power to re-view the action of the electoral colleges seems necessarily to be de-nied from the nature of a confeder-ated government. If one party to the compact possesses a power as to its subject matter superior to the power created by the agreement,the compact inevitably tails for it is impossible for a confederacy to ex-ist unless the jurisdiction of its in-dividual members as to powers committed to confederation is subor-dinated to the larger jurisdiction of the later. For example, in this case one State cau receive its func-tions as to electing a President in violation of the Constitution with-out any power iu the Union to re-verse its action, then a Constitution was unnecessary for the delegatii of power, aud the nation may be governed iu violation of the very instrument which created it. Rut whatever the power of Congress as to the authority over the vote of electors, it is certain that it is not bound to treat as valid fraudulent certificates. It matters not how absolute the sovereignty under which a Iraud is perpetrated, it cannot receive protection nor be granted recognition. It there be a II :initial towliieh the certificates are submitted, it is bound to treat them as worthless. The certificates were charged to be fraudulent The commission, if it counted them,gave them validity. It was its duty to bear the facts to prevent the suc-cess of fraud, even though the cer tificates came from a sovereignty a hundred-fold greater than Louisiana or Florida. By these methods, un-der the forms prescribed by the law constituting the Electoral Commis-sion, Rutherford B. Hayes has been declared President of the United States. His title rests upon the disfran-chisement of lawful voters, the false certificates of returning offi-cers acting corruptly, and the de-cision of a Commission which has refused to hear evidence ol alleged fraud. For the fust time are the American people confronted with the fact of a President fraudulently elected. His inauguration will In-peaceful, and in that hour the most infamous conspiracy of all history will receive its crown. Iu the ex-citing days just past the forbear-ance of the people, has maintained the peace. Let it not, however, be understood from this that the fraud to be consummated March 4 will be Hayes' Inaugural Address. FELLOW-CITIZENS :—We have assembled to repeat the public cere-monies begun by Washington, ob served by all my predecessors, and now a time honored custom which matks tbe commencement of a new term of the Presidential office- Called to the duties of this great trust, I proceed, in accordance with usage, to announce some of the leading principles on the subjects that now chiefly engage the public attention, by which it is my desire to be guided in the discharge of these duties. I shall not undertake to lay down irrevocably principles or speak of the motives which should animate us and to suggest certain important ends to be attained in accordance with onr institutions aud essential to the welfare of our country. At the outset of the discussions which preceded the recent presi-dential election, it seemed to me fitting that I should fully make known my sentiments in regard to several of the important questions which then appeared to demand the consideration of the country. Fol-lowing the example, and in part adopting the language of one of my predecessors, 1 wish now, wheu every motive for misrepresentation has passed away, to repeat what was said before the election—trust-tliat my countrymen will candidly weigh and understand it, and that they will teel assured that the senti-ments declared iu accepting the nomination for the presidency will be the standard of my conduct in the patch before me charged, as 1 now am, with the grave and difficult task of carrying them out in the practical administration of tbe government, so far as depends un-der the Constitution and laws ou the chief Executive of the nation. SOfTIIRRN POLICY. The permanent pacification of the country, upon such principles and by such measures as will secure the complete protection of all its citi/.eus in the free enjoyment, of all their constitutional rights, is now the one subject in our public affairs uliiiii all thoughtful and patriotic citizens regard as ot supreme im-portance. Many of the calamitous effects of the tremendous revolution which has passed over the Southeru States still remain. The immeas-urable benefits which will surely follow, sooner or later, the hearty aud generous acceptance of the legitimate results of that revolution have not jet beeu realized. Diffi-cult pud embarrassing questions meet us at the threshhold of this Subject, The people of those States are still impoverished, and the in-estimable blessing of wise, honest and local self-government is uot fully enjoyed. Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the cause of this condition of things, the fact is clear that in the progress of events the time has come wheu such government is the imperative neces-sity required by all the varied in-terests, public and private, of those States. But it must not be forgot-ten that only a local government which recognizes aud maintains in-violate the rights of all is a trae self government. With respect to the two distinct races whose pe ctiliar relations to each other have brought upon usthedeplorablecom-plications and perplexities which exist in those States, it must be a government which guards the in-terests of both rates carefully aud equally. It must be a government which submits loyally aud heartily to the Constitution aud tbe laws; the laws of the nation and the laws of the States themselves, accepting aud obeying faithfully the whole Constiiulion as it is; and resting upon Ihese sure and substantial foundations the superstructure of beuefiuent local governments cau be built up and uot otherwise. In furtherance of such obedience to the letter and the spirit of the Con-stitution, and in behalf of all that its attainment implies, all so-called party interests lose their apparent importance and party lines may-well be permitted to fade into in- Bignifieance. The question we have to consider for the immediate wel-fare of those States ot the Uuion, is the question of government or no government, of social order and all the peaceful industries aud tbe happiness that belong to it, or a re-turn to barbarism. It is a question in which every citizen of the nation is deeply interested, and with re-spect to" which we ought not to be, lands, we are reminded by tbe in-ternational complications abroad threatening the peace of Europe, that our traditional rule of non- in-terference in tbe affairs of foreign natious bas proved of great value ; in past times and ought to be strict-ly observed. The policy inaugu-rated by my honored predecessor, President Grant, of submitting to arbitration, grave questions of dis- ; pute between ourselves aud foreign I powers, points to a new and incom-parably the best instrumentality i lor the preservation of peace, and means at tbe disposal of my ad-ministration, I am sincerely anxious to use every legitimate influence in I C00*1 W'H. 1 believe, become a bone-favor of honest and efficient local j nceQt example of the course to be self government as the true resource ! pursued in similar emergencies by of those States for tbe promotion other nations. If unhappily, ques-of the contentment of their citizens. ItioB8 of difference should, at any In the effort I shall make to accom- time during the period of my ad-ministration, arise between the j United States and any foreign gov-i eminent, it will certainly be my dis-position and my hope to aid iu their plish this purpose. I ask the cordial co-operation of all who cherish an interest in tbe welfare of the coun-try, trusting that party ties and I prejudice of race will be freely sur- j rendered in behalf of the great pur- i pose to be accomplished. In the important work of iestor ! ing the South, it is not the political situation alone that merits atten I tion ; the material development of | that section of the country has been arrested by the social and political ' revolutiou through which it has! passed, and now needs aud deserves i tbe considerate care of the nation-al government within thejust limits prescribed by the Constitution and wise Republican economy. EDUCATION. At the basis of all prosperity for that as well as for every other part of the couutry lies the improve-ment of the intellectual and moral condition of the people. Universal suffrage should rest upon universal edncation. To this end liberal and "ie O00"""* '" the electoral votes, permaueut provision should i„, "houhl bo referred to the decisiou made for the support of free schools J** tribunal, established by law, by the State governments, and if 'or "lls sow purpose, its members need be, supplemented by legiti !l" "' them men of long established mate aid from national authority, reputation tor integrity and Intel- Let me assure my countrvmen ot ''Kimoe, and with the exception of the Southern States, that it is my ' ",08e w,1° nr'' als" members of the earnest desire to regard and pro settlement in the same peaceful and honorable way, thus securing to our country the groat blessings of peace aud mutual good offices with all the nations of the world. TIIE SITUATION. Fellow-citizens, we have reached the close of a political contest marked by the excitement which usually attends the contests be-tween great political parties whose members espouse and advocate with earnest taith their respective creeds. The circumstances were |>erhnps in no respect extraordinary save in the closeness and the consequent uncertainty ot the result. For the first time in the history -if the conn try it has boon deemed best in view ot the peculiar circumstances of the case, that the objections and ques-tions in dispute with reference to mote their truest interests, the in-terest of the white aud of the col-ored people both and equally, and to put forth my best efforts in bo-half of a civil policy which will forever wipe out in our political affairs the color line aud the dis-tinction between North aud South; to the end that we may not have merely a united North and a uuited South, but a united country. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. I ask the attention of the public to the paramount necessity of re-form in our civil service ; a reform supreme judiciary, chosen equally from both political parties. Its declarations enlightened by re-search ami the arguments of able counsel were entitled to the fullest confidenceol tbe American people. Its decisions have been patiently waited for ami accepted as legally conclusive by the general judgment of the public. For the present, opinion will widely vary as to the wisdom oi the several conclusions announced by that tribunal. This is to be anticipated in every in stance where matters of dispute are made the subject ol arbitration under the lours ol law; human uot merely as to certain abuses ami judgment is nevi r unerring and is practices of so.called official pat-ronage, which have come to have the sanctiou of usage in the several departments ot our government, but a chauge in the system of ap-pointment itself; a reform that shall be thorough, radical and complete : a return to the principles aud prac-tices of the founders ol the govern ment. They neither expected nor desired that public officers should owe their whole service to the gov-ernment and to the people; they meant that the officer should be se-cure iu his teuure as long as bis personal character remained un-tarnished and the performance of his duties satisfactory; they held that appointments to office were not to be made uor expected merely as rewards for partisan services, nor merely on the nomination ol mem-bers of Oongress as beiug entitled in any respect to the conrol ol such appointments, and tbe fact both of the great political parties of I lie country in declaring their principles prior to the election, gave a promi-nent place to the subject of the re form of our civil service, recogniz-ing aud strongly urging its neces-sity, in terms almost identical iu their specific import with those I have here employed, mnst be ac-cepted as a conclusive argument in behalf of these measures. It must be regarded as the expression ol tbe united voice and will of the whole country upon this subject: aud both political parties are virt-ually pledged to give it their unre-served support. The President of the United States of necessity owe. his election to office to the suffrage and labors ot a political party the members of wbicb cherish with rarely regarded as otherwise than wrong by the unsuccessful party in the contest. The fact that two great political panics have in this way settled a dispute, in regard to which good men differ as to the lacts and the law no less than as to the proper oouri e to be pursued in solving tbe question in control is an occasion for general rejoicing. Upon one point there is entire una-nimity in public sentiment that I-dieting claims to the ptesii] must be amicablj and peaceably adjusted, and that, when so ad-justed, the general acquiescence oi the nation oii'^ht smelv to follow. It has in en reserved foi a govern-ment of the people, when the right of suffrage is universal, to give to the world the first example in his tory of a great nation, in the midst of a struggle of Opposing parlies for power, hushing its party tu molts to yield the issue of the con test to adjustment according to the forms ol law. I. Hiking for the guidance ot that Divinity, by which the destinies of nations and individuals are shaped, 1 call upou yon Senators, Bepre Beiitati\es, Judges, Pel low-citizens, ben ..:: |