The Greensborough patriot [April 11, 1861]

              (Srteuglwrtfttgjr atriai
VOL. XXIII.
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The KreensWongrt Fafriot.
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4. GREENSBOROUGH, N. C, APRIL 11. 1861. NO. 1,188.
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! peech of Hon. John J. Crittenden,
ON TUESDAY, MARCH 2(>TH,
jBEFOUE THE LEGISLATURE OF KENTUCKY.
that tho Govomment
upon tbo principles of
to so administer the p
every Stato—every p.]
may have an equal
equal enjoyment ot tiki which belongs equal-ity
to all—the territoujof tho United States.
fo be just and to art
i Constitution, ought
srty that each and
tion of the Union—
rticipation in and an
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Senate and
House of Representatives :
It is ray great honor on this occasion to ap-pear
before you upon your joint invitation to
ddress you upon tho subject of our national
flairs. I thank you; gentlemen, for the great
lonor you have thus seen it to confer upon
no. I have been long, very long, in the ser-vice
of my country. Tho time has como when
am to retire from it, I do it cheerfully and
Willingly. You and your predecessors have
•onferred many honorr upon me; you have
given me your confidence. Repeatedly have
I had the honors of being elected to the Sen-re
of the United States; I am now a private
citizen, and, after all my trials and my at-tempts
in tho service of my country, you are
pleased to receive me with approbation; I am
grateful to you, gentlemen. By these boson
and this exhibition of your confidence, 3-ou
ndeavorto make tho repose of my old days,
after a life spent in your service, agreeable,
happy, a,ltl humble; you can confor no greater
Reward upon me, I ;an receive none greater.
J know that I am indebted as much to your
lartiality as I am to the value ol'any service 1
lave rendered for these tokens of regard and
confidence.
I am invited, Mr. Speaker, to address you
It seems to me, th
justice in excluding f
enjoyment any class
institution that may
stitution gives to th
monopolize that terri
entire ownership an
Constitution Hccepte<
It accepted them as
accepted them at t
entitled to equal rig'
held slaves. It ac
non-slaveholding b
favor with the Con
equal rights and eqt
stitulion. Soregart
it would be unjust foj
and usurp to thems<jj
those territories, an<f
feet to exclude frorrfj
zens of a certain el*
fore, that there is ijn-that
equal and full
tales becauso of aijy
ist in them. The Cojn-ber
States no right, to
y, and to assume the
enjoyment of it. The
cm at its foundation,
veholding States, jit
imc of its adoption as
notwithstanding they
ted slavcholding arid
as standing in equal
tution, aud entitled io
justice from that Co u-g
it, it seems lo mo that
e free States to assume
s the entire control of
control them as in et-em"
portions of thociti-
. of States. I thought,
therefore, sir. that tbftTVorth was in the wrong
and that the South ris in the right in respect
to this question of riperty and right in the
territories of the Uifed States; and one of the
objects of tho measrfs which I proposed, one
of their chief objeti was to procure, by an
amendment to thcJ^nstitution, in acknowl-edgement
of this ^ual right on the part cf
the South. Upoi exmstitutional principles
this right would eiebd to all the territories
of the United Statcshnd the Southern States',
in common with i|f free States, would have
an undivided and wal right in all tho terri-tories
of the U niteStates. But a» a commo!i
enjoyment would U*ifficult, it appeared morj)
convenient that time should be for this .pui-pose
a sort of parijfm of tho territories of the
United States betleen tho difijrent classes
of the States, slavBolding and non-slavohoid-ing.
Our fathers—tl;
We have our moments of irritation at times.—
Wo have great provocations, and often these
provocations have excited unkind feelings—
reproaches without number, on the one side
and on the other. Crimination and recrimina-tion
has exieted between us. But this only
serves to form apart of that great volume of
abuse which political strife and iho struggle
for party predominancy must necessarily pro-duce.
They pass by however. The stream
is no longer made turbid by this cause, and in
purity it runs throughout the land, encirc.ing
us in tho arms of a common fellowship—a
common country. J3o may God forever pre-serve
us.
We have not been made to hate one moth-er.
Wo do not hate one another. The poli-ticians
who tell us that we hate each other
are either honestly mistaken or they are seek-ing
ephemeral popularity by professing to lie
our friends, and showing us by tho hatred
which they profess for other sections, that
their protecting love for us is over all. But
the people will not always be lod by politi-cians.
They have risen upon this occas'on,
and I believe in my heart that there is at this
moment a-majority of Northern men that
would cheerfully voto for any of the TCSDIU-lions
of compromise that were proposed by
men of tho South in the last Congress. I
have assurances of that character given to me
by some of tho most respectable men, sonic
of themo8t influential men of Pennsylvania.
I have assurarces given to me by hundreds of
letters from tho most intelligent men of that
State to get my resolutions submitted to the
people. They came to me from every Nor-thern
State, 1 believe, without a solitary ex-ception,
to get my lesolutions submitted to
tho people.^ "We want," said they, "to pre-serve
the Union. We differ from "our repre-sentatives
in Congress ia this matter. They
are elected as partisans, on party platforms,
and are subject to the control of their party.
They do not feel as wo do. They feel and
act as partisans, and want to maintain every
syllable and every letter of their platform.—
We wish to preserve .our sacred Union. We
Put vour resolutions be-md
tho honored Assembly, on tho subject of of the fact that slaery existed in tho new Stato
tational affaire. It is a gloomy subject, Mr.
Speaker. Never in this Jong history of our
bountry has anything like or at all parallel to
the present condition of our country present-ed
itself for our consideration. But a little
while ago we were a great, united people—onr
name was known, and known only to be re-spected
throughout the land. Our power, our
greatness was everywhere recognized, and
our flag was everywhere considered as the
embeim of a groat and a growing nation. Mow,
-ir, what is the condition to which we are re-daeed.
Where is that glorious Union that
we promised ourselves should be perpetuated ?
W lure are those ten thousand sentiments of-
,,-n.d in toasts and oralious that the Union
tvaa to be perpetuated ? "Let it he perpetua-tek—
esto paprtua"—wt.s tho sentiment ex-pressed
on thousauds and thousands of public
■occasions.
j What is our condition now, and how has it
Iboen brought about ! 1 need not state very
[particularly thr causes which have produced
■ these effects, nor need i recur to the present
condition ol our country with a view of tell-jmg
you what it is. Itisasad story—so sad
jthat it is impressed upon every heart, known
{to every citizen. I shall not dotain you idly
by any particular details of causes. It is
enough to say that it has all giown—our na-tional
calamity—our national misfortune—
has all grown out of a controversy between
the slaveh >lding and non-slaveholding Stales;
furnishing questions of slavery and questions
of anti-slavery—questions about the territo-ries
<d the United States. These agitations
have lung exabporated|on one side and on the
oth r a vast portion of the United States. It
has resulted in tho format-on of sectional par-ties—
a sectional party in the North and a sec-tlise
who have gone before love our brethren.
us—in the year 188, upon the question of tho I fore us. They will pass by hundreds and
introduction of M»ouri into the Union, wore [ thousands of majorities." Gentlemen, I be-involved
in this vry question of slavery agi-; liove that, in Pennsylvania, they would have
tation. Tho (dirssion of Missouri was obr, passed by one hundred thousand majority,
jected to becausof its constitution, in vic-v;- If these resolutions have done nothing else
they have at least elicited evidences of affec-tbo
present hour presents us with—I will on-ly
undertake to say they ought not to pur-sue
a course of forcible coercion. Not the
policy of coercion, I say. Our object and de-sire
is to bring them back into former terms
of Union, and fellowship. That is the object
of our private affections, as well as of our pub-lic
policy. To attempt by coercion—
by arms—to force Ihem back into tho Union
at tho point of tho bayonet—to shed their
blood—is no way to win their affections.—
Let them go on in peace with their experi-ment.
This governmen; is not bound to pa-tronize
revolution against itself—therefore. I
say, let ils policy be the policy of forbearance
and of peace. Let them mako this experi-ment
under all tho advantages that peace can
give them. We all hope, for their own good
;tnd their own welfare, that their experiment
will fail of success—that when the increased
expenses of a government formed of a few
States, and the thousand inconveniences that
attend its disruption from the great body to
which it belonged—like tearing off an arm
from the human system—when they h&vo
come to experience all tho pains and incon-veniences—
all the troubles and all the costs
that attend, and must inevitably attend, this
extraordinary movement—they will begin to
look back to the great mansion of their tribe
—the grand union of their great Republic—
they will wish to return xo their brethren, no
longer to try these hazardous experiments of
making governments generate from this gov-ernment.
These are truly hazardous experiments, I
think they will fail. I hope so only because
i hat will have tho effect of bringing them back
soto this Union. It will have tho desirable
t fleet of rostoringjour lost brethren to us. I
am, thereforo, for the peace policy. Give
them an opportunity of making tho experi-ment.
Do not excite them by war or blood-shed.
They have been sufficiently misled by
other causes. Add to those causes the irrita-tion
that tho sight of blood would necessarily
create, and wo can have no possible hopo of
reconciliation—them to us or wo to them.
Let as rather trust to peace. Let us trust
to their experience—the inconvenience of
their errors. They will como back. We will
invite them back—not rece'vo them as offen-ders
or as criminals; we will receive them as
brethren who hi've fallen into error—who
evil isKontucky to disburthen herself of?
What is tho danger that now threatens her ?
Doesshe escape it by this revolution ? Are these
States any stronger by going out of the Un-ion
? 1 see nothing that is to bo gained. I
see no remedy in dissolution of the Union.
Tho Union, on the contrary, seems to me to
bo tho shield and arm cf our defence. Ken-tucky
retains in the|Union all her physical
powers that she could possibly have in the
new Confederacy—all her means of physical
resistance aro just equal in the Union to
what thoy would be out of the Union. In ad-dition
to this she possesses claims by law and
by tho Constitution which all the world sees,
knows, can read and understand. With
those immunities and rights, with tho laws
and the Constitution, doosshe not have addi-tional
power ? To tho physical power she is
able to carry the immunities and laws which
form tho charter. She can appeal to our courts
to the Union, to tho fellow-citizens of the
Government, and tho Union. She is stron-ger
in this attitude is she not ?
It is nothing but passion, it seems to me,
that can havo mislead her so far. I will
not go into the means by which tho people
are sometimes misled by leaders; I will not
go into tho causes that sometimes delude
these loaders thcmselvos, but that we have
gained nothing, that we can gain nothing by
going into it and sharing with it, seems to
me very evident.
Our true policy is to stand by that Union
whose blessings we have so loag experienced
—so long enjoyed—to stand fast by until it
some groat political necessity shall drive us
from it. In the Union we know that we have
found safety— the.e our fathers found safety
—and these fathers constructed it for our i
safety. All experience has taught us that we
havo tho best government in the world. A-bused
and maladministered as it frequently I
you are treated instantly with moro respect
than even tho proud Englishman. Of all
names it is that by which a man would pre-fer
to travel in Europe. It is your country's
name that gives you this stamp, this great
power. It is that great country whose name
never fails to prove a shadow of pro-tection
ever yon. Do you not believe now
that foreign nations arotriumping in the di-visic
n and dismemberment of this great gov-ernment
? They feared its example. They
feared its liberty; but now they look to
you not with a good government founded on
liberty and on principles which may bo to
them a dangorous example. They look to
you to c.to you as an evidence that all popu-lar
government is a delusion. "Men are not
capable of governing themselves," thov say
snecringly, «and tho people of the United
States are showing it. Thoy live in a coun-try
that reverses power. They had all sway
and all dominion. y«t you Bee by party con-troversy
and tho little exasperations that
spring out of it, this great government is in an
instant exploded under the madness of party.
In six months that proud empire, reaching to
the skies—strcching its arms over the world,
has fallen to the ground. They are an evi-dence
that man requires kings and despo
tism to govern him—that he cannot govern
himself. You, the proud nation, are now ci-ted
as an example of the impotency, the
incapacity of mankind for self-government—
to show that your boasted liberty is nothing
but the exhalation of fancier, having no pow-er,
no strength, no capacities. Theso are tho
consequences that will accrue from a disso-ution
of the Union.
Let us strive then to bring »ho soceders
back and reform them. Here is a govern-ment
formed, all its laws and institutions per-fect.
The house is complete and furnished.
Those who have left us have but to step in
is, is jt not at last the best government in the • and take possession of tho mansion of their
world? Is there any better ? Where else ; fathers. BByy ssttaannddiinngg ffaasstt bby tho Union and
does liberty appear as sho docs here? She ap-' showing the seceders that there is no proba-pears
somewhere in the little Republics of ; bility that we will unite with them, and if
the old world, but so insignificant in their ] the other loyal slaveholding Slates will show
numbers as not to bo noticed, and of course the same disapprobation of iheir course, will
to be spared by the great despots and the that not have the effect of checking the career
great Lmperors of Christendom. There she of this revolution ? Won't it's tendency be to
may be said to exist in her rustic simplicity make them think of rcturningto their breth-
—in fetters and rags. Here she exists in all ren who are endeavoring to persuade them
her splendor, with a diadem on her head.— back by tokens of love and affection ? When
tional party in tho South. The sectional par-ty
in the North has finally succeeded in elect-
,- a President for tho United States and in-
|Bulling their party in all branches of thegov-t
ment. This has excited increased apprc-
ShenflionB in parts of the South as to the safety
1 ol their peculiar institutions. They dread that
Northern power will employ itselfin destroy-;
ing cine of these institutions and depriving j tho territoies. They declined to permit'
them of their property. Under this pre-hension
what have they done? They lu.vo
Bought a m ,st violent remedy against tbis ap-prehended
ovil, by seceding, as they term it,
from the Union of theso States,and forming
lor thcmselvosaseparato, distinct, and inde^
pei dent govern ment oat of the seven States
that havo seceded—South Carolina, Florida,
Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas.
Theso States have, in so far as they possessed
the power, broken our Union, and established,
attempted to establish for themselves an | be
ndepondent government, and to put that gov-ernment
into operation. This is the present
attitude in which our country stands. Wl ile
these revolutionary movements wcro in pro-gress
attempts wcro made in tue Congress of
the United States then in session for the
adoption of such measures as might chock
them. It was hoped that if these measures
tho first instence-they opposed the admission j value of the Union. The people were ready
of Missouri. A caproinise was then drafted.! to sanction the compromise. The generosity
The line of ob d<». 'M min. was made the di-, and patriotism of their hearts had not stopped
viding boundary^- line. Upon the north of to calculate the consequences to party of the
it slavery was toe prohibited, upon the south ' downfall oi their platform. The3' havo in-of
it slavery wa not to be prohibited- So the dulged these feelings as fellow citizens and
matter resied. tproduced peace. Now inl I fellow countrymen, and they are wi'ling to
stead of the cninon, undivided right to go give you all you ask and all you want. Thoy
into all the Tenfories, the Sou«h has an im-' would rather give you more than you are en-plied
promise t!«t she may go there and car. titled to than part with you.
ry her slaves, islie pleases, into all the terri- We are not to be outdone in generosity, I
tories south of twine of 36 deg. 30 min. Thatj trust, by the people of the North. If they
compromise aplied also to the territory ac- are thus anxion to preserve the Union, shall
quired by the boisiana treaty. What have we be more lukewarm in that sacred causo?
we d^nc in thoresent emergency—an omor- What we should do is this : insist upon our
gency preseutig the same question ? I pro- rights, but insist upon them in tho Union,
posed that we hould again adopl this line of and depend upon it that tho people will
divis;on and aply it to the territory which grant them to you. This or that Senate, or
we had since squired in our war with Mexi-j this or that body or convention, may refuse—
co—that agaiiwe should renew the compact ; but, mark me, your country has a great warm
that in the teritory north of86 deg. 30 min. i heart. The citizens of this republic will
t'-ere should b no slavery, and that intheter-l work out tho redemption of their country, if
ritory south o|t slavery should be recogniz-:! we will but combine and co-op?rato with
ed. It seemedo nio that this was just, cquii-- them lo preserve this Union. Le;. us strug-able
and right But it did not appear so to . glo in the Union—contend in tl.o Union—
the Congress f.the United States. jj make the Union the instrument with which
I believe .these measures, thus offered,'j we contend, and we shall get all that wo ask
had been at auilable time promptly adopted1 —all that we can desire—all that reason can
by the Congrm of the United States, it would warrant us in expecting.
nave checkedfie progress of the rebellion and , This, my fellow-citizens, is tho great fact
revolution, ad saved the Union. But 1 s;iy:j of the sentiment aud opinion of our brethern
it diil not seer Bo to the Congress of the lui- i everywhere. Now, the great question which
ted States, a J thoy declined to adopt these i we are called upon to decide is, what, in this
resolutions, vth the exception of one. That unparalleled, stupendous crisis—what shall
was an amenment to tho Constitution, which wo do ' Seven States of our common coun-it
adopted s(far as it could, to be referred to try—lately moving in harmony—claiming no
the several States for their adoption—an Other righ'ts than as tho fcllow-cit zens of a
amendment efclaring that tho (icncral Gov-j) common government—withdrew from this
eminent shold have no power whatever over, government, and are now denying their alle-siavery
in th States, and that no amendment1 fiance to it—avowing their determination to
should be mde to the Constitution of the Un- '■ form a separate government, and actually
ited States \ojch should givo Congress any forming that separate government as an in-such
power. It said nothing in respect to| dependent government—as separate from
the territory either as it regarded tho terri-! this. They aro attempting to ign are all rota-tories
them dives or as it regarded slavery in \ tions to us, and claiming treatment as a for-havo
been deluded, but who, discovering their'Here is a gieat Republic that has avowed they seo wo will not follow, won't they return
errors, manfully returned to us, who luagnan- [ allegiance lo her. She as a queen beckons to to us?
imojsly reeeive them and rejoice ever them. | all the world and sig.i&lizesa people that know
I want tho General Government to purs JO | how to govern themselves—a people that
this policy of peaco and forbearance. What havo entitled themselves lo this liberty.
shall the separate States do? Those slavehold-ing
States still adhering ;o the Union, ought
to bo more particularly forbearing.
But what shall old "Kentucky lo .' Our af-
That .s our best policy ifwo want ID effect
' the reuniou of the seceded States. It is not
our policy to increase the evil by joining
This has been the fruit of this Constitution them. Will it bo more difficult for "them to
and tins Union by which f advise you to .comeback alono than if six others joined
stand firm. Stand true to it. I say, until them? Won't that put further from us all
some great political necessity drives you hope of a reunion * It seems to mo that every
fectioos are all dusted upon her. Her peace, j from that post. What are wo now to do"?— view, every argument is capable of demon-ner
honor, her glory, her interest aro ours. A portion ofoar countrymen are speculating stration that the course of wisdom and policy
Her character is ours, and a proud heritage on distant consequence.-. They are resolving for us is to stand bv the Union. I» is better
it is. I love her with all my heart. I nm
one of the oldest of her children. I have been
one of the most favored of her children, and
with heartfelt gratitude do 1 acknowledge it
—with all my heart's devotion do 1 acknowl-edge
it. I can never repay tho obligations
which 1 feel I owe to her. What shall Ken-tucky
do—our country—our magnanimous
old State—what shall she- doin this groat cri- i dependent one upon another—upon
sis—this trial of our nation's faith.' Shall: gencics that lie in the future? Can i
we follow tho secessionists—shall wc join in to distant conclusions of that sort.'
that we will quit our place of safety and co for usforthe future", hotter for the future of
into an experiment—join the now revolution-j the country. The snowing to our erring
ary Government—and they say that Virginia I brothern ofthe South that we will not go
and other States will follow. Then they sav with them—by showing them ono tixed op-there
will bo no war, and then we will be in a iniun that their
better condition to reconstruct. This is
fallacy, from beginning to end. Can
;11 a
wo
trust our speculation upon causes thai aro so a tendency to bring them back '.
eign power.
slaves to ho arned into the territory south of I Whatt iiss tthe wish of us all?
»'j- 30'. lithe meantime the revolution pro- ought to be, by some means or
It is, and
measuro to
xpei intent must prove a fail-ure,
and that they can expect nothing iikc
encouragement from us—will not that havo
1 think
contin- will,
we come Upon an occasion not unlike the present,
No. Tho ten years ago, Mr. Uay stood near tho spot
the experimental government of tho South, ! safe way is to do that duty which is nearest which 1 now occupy. The cirtui..stances of
or shall wo adhere to the tried government of I to you. Dothattirst. You can see that.— the times wore then not altogether what they
tho Union under which we live—under which | We have not tho gift of prediction. This are now He stood here in 1850. In 1848
your fathers lived and died? 1 call upon : argument of speculation, found,'d upon dis- tho storn was gathering as it has now gath-you
to bear witness, as candid truthful men— taut contingencies, founded upon inferences ered. Great apprehensions were c.tertained
do you know of any wrong that the govern-j and inferences from inferences as to what in the country that it would terminate in
ment has ever done you? Can you name any , may follow from the complication of causes, disunion. Mr. Clay went to Congress in 1849.
instance of wrong suffered on account of i that is least of all to be relied upon. Thero Ho brought forward a scries of compromises
your connection with the great Union of I is no safe logic in it. Every may can see and in I860 and had them passed. That pacified
which you arc apart? Kentucky herself '■ understand the duty that is next to him, r>nd the country and preserved the Union. In
came into existence under the Constitution— J should not attempt to confound hisconvietion l»i>0 ho came here, and in this Legislature
and under the Union that she still clings to. i by endeavoring to comprehend objects be- he delivered an address. The s'.orm had then
Under its protection she has grown from a j yond his reach. passed by, but he spoke to them with a
handful of pioneers and a few hunters to the! What is our nearest duty.' You have prophct,s"tire,;and with a patriot's concern of
noble State that she now is—in every passago | boon told to mainta-n the Constitution of the the character of tho Constitution of their
Of her history maintaining her character for | United States. It has never done you wrong, country and tho value of this Union. He
ever said, ••! have been asked, when Would I con-
_ or sent to give up this Union ? I answer, nev-tanco,
1 whole time, er ! never'. never 1 and I warn you, my coun-trymen,
now if as things seem t« tend, this
Country should be divided into a Union and
Disunion parly, 1 here now. no matter
who eomposo that party, declaic myself a
member ot the Union party. Whether it be
\ji IIVI li'i-i^ij i'..i 11-. i.*i i M M ^ IIUI tinii.iua'r lut , WUIIVUUMMIW, it ua.s uonc wror
honor and fidelity—for devotion to truth, de-; never despoiled you of your property, net
votion to country—seeking, at whatever dis-1 taken from you a minute of your freedom
tanco, at whatever sacrifice, every battle- i your liberty during your whole, life tii._.
field upon which the honor and the interest Aro you to abandon that upon afeontingency .'
of her country wore to Lo combatted for.— | are you to go abroad for an experiment; is
That is old Kentucky. Fearing none—feeling | that the next and wisest step to bo taken ?
hersolf in influence and power irresistible in | Is not the most immediate duty to stand fast
the right cause, irresistible in defence of her- j in your fidelity to that tried government un-sell,
she has gone on and prospered. Where til some necessity shall force you from it? "
tell onr story is the question now to be deter-mined.
I believe in tho people more than I
believe in governments. 1 believe in the peo-ple
mor. than I believe in Presiden, in Sena-tors,
or in, Houses of Representative 1 do not
say that to flatter mulitudes. I 8*> |, becadNe
J believe in the.nielhgenco olthe pV- ,le. I be-lieve
in the publio virtue ofthep^or, ■† what-ever
may bo said to the contrary. Though
in many things manvpeoplo act "a itle un-worthy
of the dignity of freemen, still, when
I look at the majestic body of tho , oople, I
find that there is a wisdom, a generosity, and
a public vinue that will not allow tais coun-try
to be trtmpled underfoot or to ro down
to ruins. Tiey will extend their bawls from
the North tc tho South, and from the South
to the Aorth.in fraternal sympathies. I do
not bohove hey will fight upon any came
thai yet cxi-ts. I believe they will not per-mit
their rulers to maintain any potty plat-forms
to desroy a great country. The Chin-go
platform—a thing no bigger than my
hand—to set up, like an idol of old, and wor-shipped,
am a great country I,ko ours, with
all its millions, sacrificed upon its altara—Un-people
will not allow that to bo don■•. They
aro not platfirm makers. Theircountrv and
tbeir God is what they aro for '1 h«>v are
our fellow cUizen, and thdfcwili Hare us. This
may boa superstition, but I hove it. and it
comforts and solaces me. You are a poni- n
ot that grea: body, and will yarn do row
part ?
My frionds, these remarks aro desultory.
I have not pretended to sketch '.ho sad history
of these oventsor to relate them in their d
tail. I have not at tempted to discuss ail the
probable consequences of abar.demin* or sian-ding
by tho government of this Union I havo
simply satisfied myself by saying tha to join
the new government would he nothing bat a
speculation. To stand fast where y mar- is
to perform the duty which is neatest you,
and within your clear conviction. That in'
the courso 1 havo recommended. \\ hat have
you done? Are you not pledged to this
course? What has old Kentucky's com tt
been? You sent some year's ago a piece
Kentucky marble io be wrought up into
structure of that magnificent monnmenl JI
the Father of his Country; now uirinish.cl
in the city of Washington. That was youi
tribute to the patriotism and the great nan o
of that unequalled man. What did you out
to be inscribed upon it ? Let mo remind you.
L p n the stone is engraved these words:
"Kentucky was the first State to enter tl e
Union after the adoption of tho present Cor-stitution.
and she will be tho last to leav.-
This is the testimony engraven by your own
order. It is engraven upon the marble. It
stands a part of the groat monumenc to the
memory of Washington, where all tbo wer
may sec it. While Washington is kdon d a«
the founder of bis country—in thai holy ki
ping is this monument of recorded rot > ia
which you say you will be the last to leave.
Now, Mr. Speaker and gentlem n, when
you have examinod in every mater ai point
of view, in tho view of every materia h
this question as to the policy and course li su
tacky ought to pursue ; when you have found
then all, let mo say that 1 think jroar judg-ment
will find it satisfactory not to r
from tho Uniou. But suppose you did
arrive at that satisfactory conclusion, is then
not something in tho stability which m
the manhood of old Kentucky ! Hero she
stands upon her own native ground: afire
she stands by that flag under which she Has
often fought, and stands by that Un on, tl'
she has sworn to maintain. Is th
is the man of Kentucky that fears that any-body
will come here to takeaway our rights
from us. Our self-possession and character
When that necessity comes
argi
tion-it
will peed no
or
i
ceeded. Tie revolution has undertaken to bring back to this Union—to bring back into
form itself ato a government distinct avd in-, —to perfect reconciliation with us, fcllow-cit- .
dependent. The revoking States havo bro-' zens who have thus gone astray and abaudorf-' tho wrong.
jument. Necessity requires no specula- —thero 1 unite my hi
n—no argument. When that great politi- parly.'' How would
is founded upon this conscious ability to de-1 cal necessity comes which alone would justi- what shall we do ! Shall we quit this Un ding upon the fiold which revolution had
fend ourselves—that thero is none so bold as (y us in sundering this ylorious '
noli a
sentiment that you leel in your heart
however politicians may reason, policy o |
to sway this matter. 'Lucre is a great d tl
even in doing wrong when you doit in pan i
ranee of a sense of fidelity and In.nor, a sense
of patriotism. Which ot you if \ ,
is to read tho history of ihis period, if it he
our sad fate that our country now is I o j ■
ish, and ho is left to read only tho mournl il
history of its fall, how would you ratio
would stand in that history—that Kentucky
in the tumult of this revolution was led IWI .'.
ied away from her colors and her Const
tion, and joined in the Pad expenm ml
Southern Cotton State Kepubli-- ?— tlm
sundered herself from the parent «...
ment, which was broken into fragments, ar d
helped to form little governments wh.ch soon
\\ big or a Democrat that belongs to the par- j consumed each other ?—or that old Kent:
ty oi the Union, thero 1 subscribe my name was left, when the land had been swept b]
cession and revolution, and nothing was" left
of the Union, Kentucky, aline i
icart and hand with that
he answer the question
to attack us, we being in tho right, they in
ken upthoOnion which united us heretofore, I ed us. Aye, that is the wish of al . Thougt
and they ire putting this Government into j we may think thay have acted rashly, we can-operation;
.od we stand here to-day astonish- j not look upon them as foreigners. They are,
ed at the grat event; that are occuring around , some of them, of our families—some of them
us—astonihed at the revolution that is giar- are our brothers. They may secede from tho
ing us in to face—and inquiring what is to \ government, but they cannot secede from
dono. jahose thousand affections that bind them to
There vt»s one solitary circumstance attend-j us. They cannot secede from those thousand
ing these evolutions, however, that is well ; relations of consanguinity and bve which
worthy ofSStice. Although the discussion of unite them with us. Nature has lied those
them did idt sufficiently recommend them to ■ knots. Party difficulties and political trou-tho
Congees of the United States, k struck bics can never untie them.
upon the isarts ol tho people throughout the They proclaim themselves independent as a
United .tales, and afforded them an oppor-1 nation. How shall wo treat these erring
limit v lb displaying their fraternal feelings' brethren? how shall the General fiovoanment
(i the Stales that, towards sand all the South, and the gener-1 act towards them ? how shal
ous temjsf and disposition which prompted
themtossv reconciliation and adjustment—
an amictsfe settlement of all our differences
upon an; terms that we might believe to be
fair and >quitable—just upon the terms offer-
Now what, I ask again, is Kentucky to do?
This is a question upon which many of us,
fellow citizens, differ in opinion. I camo not
to-day to reproach any one of his opinion. I
Union it will ion now. and go off upon the experiment of
speak tor itself. It wilU speak for itself in our brethren of the South ? What would he
language not to uo misunderstood,
not
It
wi
quered—standing alone, like a stalwart,
conquered old warrior, with the fl ig of bi<
must. Is that the case now? No « in-had
already seceded, they might secure the
.nee and adherence to tho Union of the
remaining Slates. Among many other gen-tlemen
who proposed measures for adjustment
and reconciliation I submitted a series of res-lutions,
believing that their adoption might
pacify our country, put a stop to revolution,
and preserve and restore our Union. I ne J
not undertake to occupy your time by recii-
IIIL' those resolutions. They are known to
you all,and had the honor of being expressiy
approved by you. This object was mainly to
satisfy tho claims of the South, to remov-j
• With their slaves to the territories of the Uni-
■ted States.
On the other hand, this right was denied
fup< n the ground that tho tenitories belonged
; to t lie United States; that no individual Stale
: nor any of the Slates separately had an inter-in
tho territories, hut that they belonged
{to and were under the absolute control and
"eminent of the General Government. Si-,
let that be admitted. Admit that the territo-ry
is under iho absolute control of the Gener-al
Government, but, sir, does it not follow that
the General Government ought so to adminis-ter
this great property, so as to exercise ils
great functions, that every class of States, and
ever. Si ,.. shall equally participate in and
equally er.joy that which belongs to all ? No
matter whether you consider it a property
held in trust for the individual State, or as
property held absolutely for the General Gov-ernment",
to be controlled or disposed of by
the General Government, it equally follows
Kentucky and
the other slave States conduct themselves to-wards
these seceding States ? Tho object of
all is to bring them back. We wish tfcm
well but we think thoy havo greatly erre 1—
at least I do. We think they have done
ed by tie resolutions which I submitted, or j wrong to themselves, wrong to us, and wrong
upon an other terms equivalent to them.— ' to all mankind, by breaking up that govern-i'hat
wc*id have been reconciliation enough ment whose promisee reached humanity in
to have aved the Union whatever elge might j .every region in tho world—promises that
have bed lost. As a testimony of the manner have been indissolubly connected with liberty
;n whin this adjustment was hoped ior, Sand political happiness. Tho wrong to all
persons in the {those interests which they havo done prove
conclusively to my mind ihat tho Union can-not
be broken. It is not yet broken. These
States may have seceded. "Seceded"—a word
altogether illegitimate, having no origin or
.foundation :n any constitutional right,and all
that can be
hundreds and thousands of
N'orthenl States signed petitions praying for
the pas ago of the measure Unity thou.- md
voters rqm the single State of Massachusetts,
thonsaids from Pennsylvania, thousands from'
all the Northwestern States, breathing a spir-it
ot lo«>fend kindness to their fellow-citizens
and de-olion to the Union, which was willing | am willing to apply hero, divested of all rig
to sacrVK anything and everything for its j and significance; simply it is revolution
preser'4lon- I bis was to me and will bo to j against us—whereas revolution acknowledg-you
an. to every Union-loving man the most I ied and avowed is war upon tho nation against
impress/e and acceptable cvid-tempertlnd
disposition of our
elsewlr^o- It showed me that the argument
which »»s been so often used lo disunite us—
that Us >iorth hates the South and that the
came to arguo tho matter with my fe)low-ci- then be in a hurry to abandon this good gov-tizens
and to present my views of tho subject
as one of the peoplo of Kentucky. We
should counsel together on such occasions.—
No man should be entirely given up to his
opinion in such matters. He should listen
with respects to the arguments of all. Il is
the good of the country that is at stake, and
ernment which sheltered us so long.' Why
commit ourselves to the cold and inclement
skies of an untried country, an untried win-tion
to be settled upon politics or a-guments.
You know the fruit of that tree is good.—
Stand under it; feed upon ils rich fruits as
you have done, until you seo a belter one at
a distance, or until some great necessity is
ter? Is that wise? Is that tho prudence of a . upon us—until a necessity like that by which
great nation? Kxcitemet, animation, and our parents were driven from Kden, shall
impetuosity may prompt us and some may drive you from it. Then go; it will bo time
be lured by tho very danger of tho expori- j then, andthat necessity will be your justifi
the opinions of all should bo beard and de- ment, but that is not the part of wisdom— cation. Thero is another authority more
idence of the whom that revolution is attempted,
fellow-ci'izens Union so far as it exists in the sancti
South hates the .North is net true. The AI-might^
tias not made us with hearts of such
malignly as to hate whole classes of our
countif*nen for the sins of a few men. The
North does not hate the South. Tho South
does n't hate the North. In this matter, gen-tlemen
I speak so far as my own observation
andnVown experience enubleme to testify.
the Constitution-
South—if all
Our
turn of
so far as it exists in the
our laws, ull popular opin on
.and sentiment still exists in theory though
disobeyed and disregarded by those who at-tempt
to form another nation, the wish of us
all is to bring them back—lo bo again one
and indivisible. How shall it be best doi e .'
\\ hat is the policy for tho General Gov-ernment
to pursue? Now, Mr. President,
without undertaking to say what the exact
policy—under circumstances so singular as
termined upon calmly and dispassionately.
If we differ, it is only about the means of ad-vancing
the interests ol that country.
What will we gain by going off with this se-cession
movement—thisexperimental govern-ment?
Is it a hazardous experiment ? Can
seven Slates well bear all the exponsos that
must arise out of the maintenance of armies,
of navies, the expenses of a state of govern-ment
liko our own wit'i like expenses ?—
They must have a President. They will pro-bably
not give him a less salary than we give
our President. They must have a Congress.
They will not give their Congressmen Jess
than wc give ours. They must have ail tho
retinue, ull tho different departments of gov-ernment,
and they will not place them, I
think, at a loss cost than wo can. The army
and the navy, the expense of which our legis-tors
frequently complain of without being
in meaning—that 1 j able to diminish, thai they must havo also.—
How can thnse seven States defray the ex-penses
': Is il our interest to join this exper-imental
government—io givo up the grand
herritage which wc enjoy under the establish-ed
Constitution made by the men uiott vener-ated
by us, under which wo have lived—a
government which has been thought through-out
tho world to be a masterpiece of human
wisdom—shall we who have grown and flour-ishing
under it and regarded it as tho most
firmly established government in the world
if its principles are properly respected—shall
we quit that and go into the secession ranks,
fall into the footsteps of the revolutionary gov-ernment
it would not bo wise sec nothing that
arc to gain by it. What will you gain? What
s such a change to gain for any citizen ? What
that is not the part of that wisdom that ought j venerable than that t>t the illustious
a commniiity—
iberate reflecting
to govern you and to govern
that wisdom which is of a de
mind. You arc to divest yourselves of theso
passions when you como to deefdo such a
question. Let me ask, was ever such a ques-tion
submitted to a people before ? Hero are
thirty millions of people, constituting, tho
greatest the freest, aud tho most powerful na-tion
on the face of the earth. Is she to fall
down in a day ? Are we hastily to go off—to
fly from all the greatness wo have iniieiited | them, if lliat desperate extremity should
and acquired, and madly, wildly seek in tho , come; but that desneratc extremity is not to
wilderness an experimental government and | be apprehended. It may occur tor a short
man
whom I have mentioned—1 mean Gen. Wash-ington.
Do you believe ho was a wise man ?
What did he tell you of the value of this
I nion, and your duty to maintain and up-held
it!—not merely argumentative devotion,
ready to argue yourselves in or out of it on
any occasion; ho told you tohaveun immovea-ble
attachment to the Union—neve:' lo think
of abandoning it; stick to it: fight for it; fight
it; if your rights arc disturbed maintain
HUostiUito it for the better one we now cn-j°
y-
The moment wcaro divided, what arc we?
Befoie all tho nations of the earth our great-ness
si given up. Is there any one of you
time. Wrong and oppression mr.y be prac
tised for a short time. Bad rulers may op-press
you as they have oppressed others.—
xou may have s> mischievous President and
an ignorant and injurious Congress. All this
any one whose heart swells with j ride&love of may occur, but all' this, in the wisdom of the
country, that would nol mourn o\ r thesligh- I 'onstitution, is -wallowed up in th ■ general
testdiminntiooftho greatness ofthiscountry's j good. That same Constitution, which, through
power? We experienced the haughtiness and I the infirmity o: human nature, necessarily
superciliousness of a haughty nation's prince I subjects you to those evils, gives you the
when we wero out a leehlo colonr, I might power of redressing them at short intervals
nay involved in revolution. Now
carries respect and fear and love
your flag
over sea
and land ; it is every where bailed witn the
profoundest respect When you aro compel-led
to blow from its folds seven of the stars
that now adorn it—when this waning constel-lation
shall show its diminished head—what
will become of that respect, founded in fear as
well as in love ? What will become of that
respect with which it was hailed under a
peaceful government? When you go abroad
now, and when to tho question as to what
you are, you answer you arc an American,
of lime, and he who cannot, tor the perpetual
good Lear such evils for a short time, does
not deserve to be a memberof a good govern-ment.
You have the opportunity i I redeem
ing that government by frequent "lections of
a President and Congress. If j-ou permit
a repetition of a ■aJ-admiaistration, it is
your fanlt. You have the remedy, and it is
your fault if you do not apply it.
Gentlemen, the government is in a bad and
dangerous condition. Whether it shall fall to
pieces and become the scoff of the world ;
whether our rains aro all that shall remain to j
and disgraceful fall of his own once glorious,
country? Where would you rather you i
cestor should be presented n history—as sli-ding
oft' into revolution and secession, making
tho experiment of the now Kopubl.c, or to
seo him standing unconqured and alone, v. h
the stars and stripes in his hand, or h.
nobly and faithfully and devotedly with the
Constitution of his country t 1 think th
not ono of us that would not prefer our an-cestor
to lake that course. I know that we
sometimes would be willing that ancestors
would pursaocourscs that we are rawiliio
pursue ourselves. There is hardship,
culty and danger about it that vo world i
er avoid, provided we can have,even through
an ancostoi, i.he hereditary glory of acting
such a self-sacrificing part as that.
Mr. Spoaker, 1 have occupied much me re
of th'time of this enlightened body tl.
intended. In conclusion 1 will only repeat
my aofcoowlodgmeatS tor the many honors
you have co.iterrcd upon me. The-,- ,vill make
my retireme it honorable, peaceful, and
py.and will revive recollections continual I
your kindness and ot that eo.if.dci.ee *
you placen in me. 1 have been a long
in the Bcn-icc of my count.-v. Hero, sir
the earliest soeoe of mypolitical Lie. Like
you, and the youngest amor.- y ,„. I was . ■ †o
npou the door ol tl.i.s house, ondcavorn
serve my country, as you are. For ina. y
I'OL'yeai.- .1. one position or other, I
Uved. I ought to retire. The time has.
I have wished for it. Y.m have made the
way to that retirement dignified and h(
tjle. With all my heart I pray to «hat t'rovi-
<icr.ee which has been u it. wero a shield
our country so long, that you be the i.„t u-ments
of preserving it and saving it through
a.l the grew emergencies and the *-reat j
through which it has now to pass tl: • bv
your fortitude and courage you will n
the principles of your government. b\
wisdom and persuasive policy brine b* il to
us tho friends and the countrymen w< I. a- o
lost.
We do not love them the leas because wo J