The Greensborough patriot [September 20, 1860]

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By SHERWOOD & LONG. & JPamUs Netospapet—Eeboteti to literature, agriculture, ittanufactures, (Commn
\ OL. XXII. GEEENSBOEOUGH, 1ST. C, SEPTEMBI
x, anoj fHisccllanrous drafting. TERMS—$2.00 IN ADVANCE.
R 3, I860.
Tlu' Creensborongh Patriot.
,B(BWOOD. JAMES A LONG.
.HKliWOOD & LONG,
EIHTORS AND PROPRIETORS.
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DOUGLAS IN BALTIMORE.
; i i iglaa addressed an immense audi-tltimore
on the Oth. In reply to
- denial that ho had ever en-
. . .- any time Squatter Sovere gnty,
-aid :
. . i arrived hero to-night, a friend read
ition of a speooh delivered by Mr.
kiniidge at Lexington, Kentucky, yes-v.
I" that speech I find that Mr. Brec-
|gejustifies the breaking upof thoDemo-
.vention und the division of the
• party, to the great danger of the
u i it a Black Lepublican, on the ground,
,\>. that the regular party insisted upon
"articular dogma, and that he would not
inybody HS a candidate for thePresiden-
. i was the representative of that dog-
Cheers.)
.. lot MO ask you what is that dogma
■ ch he speaks, and which he charges me
.' the representative of? Is it the
■ >f non-intervention by Congress with
v in the territorial? All that my friends
l it i 'harleston and again at Baltimore
tb t the Conve ition this year should ro-
: platform adopted in Cincinnati in
•.. We ask Dothing more. That plat-
■ leclarcd the principle of non-interven-
Buchanan was elected President and
• . • '. Jirerkinridirc Vice President on that
. form,and are pledged totbnt dogma.
1 .-. were made President and Vice Pres-utby
the power ofthat very dogma. They
rconld have boon elected to office unless
thai very dogma of non-intervention, and
i Breckinridge tells you that rather than
rait t>» the dogma upon which be was
•• •.. ::T. I toobsjrve which ho had pledged
honor of fidelity, it were better to break
tbe party—to hazard the election of a Black
. publican andal the dire consequences
.-.: trouidiikelv follow. 1 again repeat that
■ : . asked The same dogma upon which
■† • and Breckinridge were elected;
y asked the same platform on which
i*y were nominated. We did not require
BV change Of plattorm any change of prin-
• , r any change of usage of the party.—
.. ■ tnd his party take the ground that
man who now stands where he and oth-
•-• i four yeur. ago is no better than an
[it nisi (Cheers)
I'! lie tell you 60 four years ago? (Cres
N i.."> Did he not tell you four years ago
uttlie peace of the country depended upon
-••ry doctrine jfnon-intervention? (Cres
"Yea.") l)id he not tel! yoo that the elec-
• ' such an interventionist as Fremont
. 1 be just cause ef disunion ? (Cries of
I.") J)id he not tell you that South-
. : nor, Southern rights and Southern
. tyin the confederacy depended on
• ling the doctrine of non-intervention ?
i 8 of 'IK' did BO.") And now this Breck-
Ise, who was elected Vice President by
tr efforts and by mine, upon that samo
trine tells you no man ought to be entrus-twith
the reins of government who stands
tl •■ principle to which ho pledged his sa-dhonor
to stand by four years ago.—
■ ■• • rs.)
igain, my fellow-citizens, Major Breckin-
-•■ n his stump speech defends himself
t the charge tnat he was opposed to
ueralCassin 1848. Ho says it is true
-' in 1847, be attended the meeting which
": ight out Genoral Taylor for the Presi-
-.•, but that subsequently in 1848, after Cass
.- nominated, ho took the stump for Cass
■ rase he represented his—Breckinridge's—
iples. ' Now mark his language—"I
•'.: lor Cass, because Cass represented my
.'.. pies." What principles did Cass repre-
:•! Why he had just written the Nichol-n
letter. " (.Cheers.) The Nicholson letter
.- non-intervention, with squatter sover-
.. added. (Choors.)
Vet Breckinridge says he went for Cass
• - Taylor, alter being first committed to
.. ■:, Vi cause ('ass represented his princi-
< . eers. I It seems then that Breck-
' : • •• t- sound on tho dogma in 1848.—
• - ighter.) Again, in convention assembled
• • scity in 1848, when they nominated
r President, they adopted the same
.' rm of non-intervention. Now look on
t platform. Breckinridge was sound jin
*K»rid he pledged himself to tho doctrine
• ntervertion by Congress with slavery
ii I • itories.
:' . kinridge went for Cass because Cass
' ; •-■lit' his principles on this dogma. So
'• ems, then, that Breckinridge and Cass
•. •.. e Sooth weie together in 1848. We all
■•' 01 : r the dogma then. Let any man road
'••• rcci rd ifhe has a doubt upon the point.—
• • nly i hpction 1 had myself to Cass at the
- ■.- \ J- that In worn a little too far on squat-ter
sovereignty. (Cheers.) But it seems that
:'•■'• Ivinridge went the whole bog with him,
'-. • • i■., for Cass thoroughly represented
":-1'i■ :.• pies. Now the difference between
;■ . and Cass on that point was—that
' ••-- said that the people had a right to make
•• • own laws in the Territory outside of
: f Constitution of the United States. And
> recollect, was tho doctrine of Breckin-
■'• • -for did not Cass reprosent Breckin-
- principles? (Cheers and laughter.)—
■< 1 not, however, believe that doctrine. 1
• I thai ih\ 1 ad a right to make their own
u the Territories, inside the Constitu-
• while Cass and Breckinridgo's docteine
S vereignty was outside the Con-
D Cheers.) My old friend Gen.
bo is ■ very good and a very patri-an,
thought the people had the right
the Constitution; and Breckinridge
'" you in his stump-spetich that Cass, in
'"'"•represented his principles. Again, in
,:v- the Democratic party assombled in this
ntal city and nominated Picrco for
; lent, and adopted the platform. What
that platform ?
H wm.au approval^! the compromise meas-ure
of1860, containing the dogma of non-in-tervention
by Congress with slavery in the
Territories. The Wbigs also assembled in
this city in the same year and nominated Scott
for President, and they too adopted the same
principles on the subject of slavery. The only
contest then raised was whether was Pierce,
tho Democratic candidate, or Scott, the Whig
candidate, the soundest on the dogma of non-intervention.
(Laughter and chers.)
The Compromise measures of 1868, and the
doctrine of non-intervention on which they
were based, was the joint work of the Whigs
and the Democrats. It was the joint work of
all patriotic men, of Union Wbiga and Union
Democrats, and the adoption of those meas-ures
was a signal triumph over Northern Ab-ulitionist
and Southern Disunionists. (Great
cheering.) Hence, you Whigs and we Dem-ocrats,
in our respective National Conven-tions
in 1852, affirmed the same principle—
In the same year J. C. Breckinridge was elec-ted
to Congress from Kentucky, at the same
time pledged to the same principle. He TUS
then sound on the dogma. (Cheers and
laughter.)
When Congress assembled after the Presi-dential
election was I chairman of the Com-mittee
on Territories, and I brought forward
the bill called the Kansas and Nebraska bill,
which ropealed the Missouri Compromise.—
In the section containing the clause of repeal,
I inserted these words: "the laws of the Uni-ted
States, so far as they are not local and in-applicable,
shall extend over said territory
except—mark tho words—except the 8th
section of the Act of March, 1820, which, be-ing
inconsistent with the doctrine of non-in-tervention
by congress with slavery in the
States and Territories; is hereby declared
null and void." (Cheers.) Then adding these
other words; it being, that is, meaning the
act, not to legislate slavery into any State or
to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the peo-plo
there of perfectly free to regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way, sub-ject
only to the Constitdtion of the United
States.
That is the language of the Kansas Nebras-ka
bill. That language contains the very
essence and substance, and principle of the
dogma ef which Breckinridge now complains
and Breckinridge was then a member of Con-gress
of the United States from Kentucky
and made a speech in favor of this dogma.—
That speech went the full length of non-in-tervention
and popular sovereighty. He then
voted tor the bill, with the languago in it
which I have recited under oath. And now
he says he is justified in bolting the regular
organization and breaking up the Democrat-ic
party, because the party insisted in adhe-ring
to that very dogma, for which he voted
under oath (Cries of "Give it to him.")
complimenting the old Genoral as the author
of the Nicholson letters and of the original
doctrine of the dogma, long before Douglas
was thought of. (Cheers and laughter.)
The Hon. J. C. Breckinridge wrote to me
in Illinois, imploring me to come to come to
Kentucky, to Lexington, where ho lived, to
make a speech to the assombled people of
Kentucky, explaining this glorious doctrine
of non-intervention and popular sovereignty,
as now contained in the dogma. (Cries of
"Every word of it.") I felt great hesitation
about going to Kentucky, because I had my
hands full io Illinois, and I had just traveled
all the way from Now York, to Chigaco.
Along the way at night I had tpe pleasure
ofseeing myself burnt in effigy, and hung
from the trees in tho daytime, because I had
become the representative man of this dog-ma.
But still by unusual exertions, and ex-pense,
of voico and strength, I convinced the
people of Illinois that the principle of self-government
was right. Then I felt a sym-pathy
for my friend Breckinridge in Ken-tucky,
who lived in that dark, benighted re-gion,
where the people had never yet voted a
Democratic ticket, and hence I agreed to
help him and went.
When I arrived at Lexington on the ap-pointed
day, I found all College Green crow-ded
and jammed with people asl find Monu-ment
square to-night. But it was a rainy,
dark and gloomy day. I stood in that rain
addressing these people for three mortal hours,
and I drenched in rain, during which I ex-pounded
the principle of non-intervention and
popular sovereignty, as I have explained
them to you to-night. Breckinridge stood by
my side—patted me on the back. (Choers.)
At any important part of the speech he
called for three chers for the "Little Giant."
(Groat cheering.) 1 kept on for three hours.
The consequence was a sovore attack of bron-chus,
which laid me up for four months, until
my friends lost hope that I would ever speak
again on any subject, much less this dogma.
But unfortunately about this time the Ab-olitionists
of the North, and especially Gov-ernor
Chase of Ohio of Ohio, started the sto-ry
that the Southern Democracy did not un-derstand
the dogma just as wo Northern
Democrats did. Well, we find that the charge
was advanced, that the people of a territory
could not, like those a State, decide the ques-tion
of slavery in the territory for them-selves.
What do you think we did to refute such a
slandor ? Why, we sent invitations to Breck-inridge,
asking him to come and canvass the
Northwest, and tell the abolitionists there
what an infernal lie it was that there was
any difference of opinion upon that question.
We also invited prominent Southern men
from tho different States to come North and
tell tho people there that the Sonthern peo-ple
were all in favor of the dogma, as expoun-ded
by Buchanan and Breckinridge, in their
letters of acceptance. Breckinridge came
out in tho Northwest I met him at Tippeca-noe—
on that famous battleground in Novem-ber,
1856.
We made speeches from the same stand.—
He having priority of me as a candidate,
spoke first, and when ho came to expound
this doctrine of non-intervention—this right
of tho people to govern themselves in tho ter-ritories—
i was so delighted with his argu-ments
that 1 got right behind him, .clapped
him on the back and told him to "go it,'
(Great laughter.) I tell you the squatter
sovereigns out there were all delighted, and
when ho got through,,ho introduced me as
tho author of the dogma, and I got up and
explained it to the people, who had assembled
by the acre.
On all the telling points, when I was giv-ing
the abolitionist particular "jessee," and
bringing the Democrats up to the point,
Brockinridge would stand at my back, clap
mc on the back, and endorse my sentiments.
I assure you I did not at that time doubt but
that Breckinridge was sound on the dogma.
We went to Maine, leaving Tippecano, in
company with General Cass traveled through
Maine, making speeches from the stand, and
Mr. Humphrey Marshall on the Secession-ists.
On the 18th of August. 1856, the Hon. Hum-phrey
Marshall and other Opposition mem-bers
of Congress, being on the point of leav-ing
Washington city for their homes, issued
an addressed to the American people against
the Republican and the Democratic partieB
and in favor of tho American party. Some
portions of that address are particularly in-teresting
to the country at this time. Read
the following extracts:
"Fellow-Citizens:—There are circumstan-ces
which call for the appeal we make to your
most earnest attention. The times appear to
us startling and critical. There are aspects
in fhe pending contest for the Presidency,
which are very unusual and important. We
cannot, therefore, forbear freely to commu-nicate
some of our apprehensions, before we
separate here, and to call upon you at once to
look full in the face any dangers which may
seem to impend over the greatest govern-ment
on earth.
Two of the politics! parties in the country
have pitched a Presidential battle upon sec*
tional issues, and of so fearful a charter as to
stir the deepest pasions of the American peo-ple.
*******
The Republican porty is not alone respon-sible
for these appalling issues nor is its suc-cess
the onlp danger to tho stability of the
Government in its present form. The Demo-cratic
party has eagorly seized upon these
momenious issues, and wielded then as the
thunderbolts of party warfare. They have
striven to madden the South, and to concen-trate
Southern votes upon their candidates,
as the abolitionists have striven to madden
the North and to concentrate Northern votes
upon their candidates.
When their extreme measures are resented
they taunt national men, in the South, as
"submissionists," or worse than submission-ists,
as the Abolitionists taunt national men
in the North as "Doughfaces," or worst then
Donghfacea.
They have apparently struggled to bring
about the formation of geographical parties,
such as the Father of his Country so emphat-ically
warned us against, based npon ques-tions
immediately tending to split the Union
asunder; and they have seemingly done this
for the petty purpose of securing a tempora-ry
party triumph. The Union, in form at
least, would survive the success of such a par-ty
for tho present; but its triumph would
probably keep tho furnaces of sectional pas-sion
red hot, and untimely, and it may be at
no distant day, its rash errors would endan-ger
a stormjof sectional conflict beneath whioh
the government would sink into ruins. We
think they, too, will fall."
As our Secession friends have gone into ex-tacies
over Mr. Marshall's late speech, in
which he declarged for Brockinridge, we par-ticularly
commend the above to their consid-eration.
So far from tho Democratic wing
which Humphrey support:; being any less a
sectional organization than it was four years
ago, it is more so, being now almost exclu-sively
disorganizing and sectional.
Whenever a Secissionist (mentions Hum-phrey
Marshall'to a Union man, let him be
provided with the above, and take it out and
read it to him. Our word for it, Mr. Hum-phrey
Marshall will not be again mentioned.
There is another eloquent passage in that
addre8s,*which is particularly applicable at
this time. We commend it to every honest
and patriotic heart:
"But we believe the time bascome when the
common safety requires that the raging sec-tional
heats of those parties should be cooled.
Tho time has come when national conserva-tive
mon, respecting the Constitution, true to
their whole country, and "indignantly frown-ing
upon tho first dawning of disunion,"
should stand shoulder to shoulder, and unite
iu placing at the head of the Government a
Chief'Magistrate in whoso capaity, honesty,
and patriotism all could confide."
The time has in truth come when good
men and patriots of all parties should rally
together to put down Abolition Sectionalism
at,the North and Democratic Sectionalism at
the South ? And lot there be such a rally—
an enthusiastic and united rally—in support
of the election of Bell and Everett!
dent"—you are "not going to wait for an
overt act of aggression before resisting."—
Then, as you and your party avow this deter-mination,
how do you make it out that there
is "no issue of dissolution" before the coun-try
? There is such an issue, and you have
made it—you, Cobb, Toombs, et al. We do
not doubt at all that you would greatly pre-fer
that we should say nothing about it just
now—that we would let you go on concoc-ting
your revolutionary plans in the back
ground until after the Presidential election.
Perhaps you would even like to borrow a few
"dark lanterns" from "Sam" to aid you in
this private work—especially as the great
body of the naturalized are no longer your al-lies.
We know precisely what you mean by
the aphorism "Sufficient unto the day is the
evil thereof." But we recollect another time-ly
maxim—"forewarned, forewarned"—and
we intend to appeal to the people to deprive
you ofall power for mischief "before the evil
day cometh."
But we would like to be better informed as
to the form and manner of the revolution
which you are getting up—for South Caroli-na
and Alabama, as States, have already "ta-ken
stock" in it. There have been only two
modes proposed, that we are aware of. One
is to march on to Washington before the 4th
of March next, prevent the inauguaration of
Lincoln, and seize the Government. This,
probably, is the scheme for which Mr. Cobb is
collecting information, as he will be in a po-sition
to render such a movement effective
aid. The other the South Carolina plan of
secession as soon as a Republican is inaugu-rated.
Either scheme is revolutionary and
unconstitutional, as the Times itself admits.—
The people of the South will notfsustain eith-er,
and they who urge either are only dis-tracting
the S)uth at a time when sho most
needs harmonious councils and united action.
We believe with Mr. Fillmore and B. H. Hill,
that under a Black Republican Administra-tion
it will be extremely difficult, if not im-possible,
to prevent such collisions between
the sections as will force a separation (and
this we understand to be the extent to which
they have gone in their speeches and letters
to which the Times relers ;) but we expect
in those conflicts to have right on our side—
that our people will be united and resolute in
maintaing their violated Constitutional rights,
and prepared to maintain them effectively.—
A very different thing is revolutionary resis-tance
to the will of the people constitutional-ly
expressed ; the people of the South will
not have right on their side in such a move-ment,
and they cannot be nnited in its sup-port.—
Columbus Enquirer.
NO. 1105.
must come in [he naturi of things, as no na-tional
and in- sectionaaparty can save us,—
by one organised concerted action, the Cot-ton
States e;iti- ie prec i tated into a Revolu-tion."
Can language bo plainer than this!
Is there any concealment of the motive, or of
the pretext upon which it is to be carried in-to
execution ? There i* none, as we humbly
conceive, and we wondar that any man who
Erofesses !ove|for the U nion as it is, can ally
imself with jtho partj over which Yancey
has exercised; a contrl King influence. Let
the people poilidor the ;< facts as they ought,
and the Yan^ey-Rho'.l Breckinridge party
will receive it* quietus in November, and be
entombed so i-ffectuallj that the hand of res-urrection
willjihever re h it.
Keep HI Befoi-f the People
Keep it befor't the People, That John Bell
has served bis ieountry :for the last thirty
years in the councils of ho nation, and, that
he has shown himself, on all occasions, to be
a statesman, k patriot, and a conservative
Union man.
Keep it befoif. the People, That he is a South-ern
man by bi':h education and interest, look-ing,
all the while, to the honor, interest and
welfare of thoj-vhole country; and ofthe four
candidates before tho coyutry for the Presi-dency,
he is tlie only oi
a slave holder.
Keep it bejoie the Peo
doctrine, and ..ivowed itj
Senate, J uly tf.. 1650, th
e who is, or ever was
!e, That he holds the
in his speech in the
t property in Slaves
ie, That he avowed in
Fuly6, 1850, that he
' of a diffusion and ex-and
all new Territor-
THE RED FLA 3 AGAIN !
We bave not backed out from a single posi-tion
assumed by the Times. We have not de-serted
Cobb, Toombs, B. H. Hill, or any pa-triot,
who is for dissolution in the event of the
election ofa Republican President. We have
not postponed the issue indefinitely. We are
not going to wait for an overt act of aggres-sion
before resisting a Black Republican Pres-ident.
We repeat there is no issue of disso-lution
in the platform of any party before the
country. We repeat that when Lincoln is
declared elected we shall appeal to the "peo-ple
to redress their grievance." We repeat
all that we have ever said that means resis-tance
to Black Republican rule—from first
to last.
The omission of one simple word in our
last editorial doubtless led to this mistake of
the Enquirer ; that we have taken a position
of resistance one day and retracted the next.
We intended that those who were willing
to live under a Republican Government we
would see that they "are not going up as to-nes
and traitors." Meaning thereby, that we
who advocated resistance and would not sub-mit
to the rule of a sectional President at war
with our institutions, would save eur recre-ant,
erring, timid brothers of the South from
being treated as the tories were during the
.rev—oTluLt..i.on. WVUi;llll t.Uhrot EITnrqnuniipreavr npuutt luies mritgfthlftc?f
Ain't this plain enough?—Times.
Yes, plain enough ? We understand you
exactly, and will have no difficulty in finding
vour position if you will only stick to it. But
if you to-morrow tell us that in the above ar-ticle
you were only expressing your "belief
what the election of a Black Republican Pres-ident
would bring upon the country, and
that is all"—if you go on to express doubts
whether "tho issue is ever made of the elec-tion
of a Republican as a cause for dissolu-tion"—
we shall again think that you are
hauling down the revolutionary flag and
runniug up the old "stars and stripes."
You are, then, "for dissolution in the
event of the election of a Republican Preai-
From the Lyncbburg Virginian.
Mr. Yancey's Memphis Speech.
We perceivo that tho Breckinridge organs
are just now engaged in spreading broad-cast
"the great speech" of their leader, Wm. L.
Yancey, made at Memphis a few weeks since.
The Ribhmond Enquirer has given the
speech to its readers, and evidently relies
upon the expression therein contained of Mr.
Yancey's real opinions at the present crisis,
to remove the objections that have been urg-ed
against his past record. We are not of
the number of those who refuse to recognise
the statute of limitation with reference to
opinions once entertained or avowed under
such circumstances as to give them peculiar
significance,—provided, they are subsequent-ly
repudiated. But how stands the case with
Mr. Yancey ? True, he labors very earnests
ly io the speech aforesaid, to exculpate Mr.
Breckinridge from all responsibility for his
opinions, and as seriously protests that he is
not himself a Disuniouist; while, at the same
time, and speaKing of his celebrated Slaugh-ter
letter he said, "There is not word in that
letter that J take back to-night. There is not a
sentiment in it that 1 disavow."
Not a word to tako back, nor a sentiment
to disavow ! How is this ? when Mr. Yan-cey
complained not long since that tho letter
in question—strictly a privato one,—had
beon used publicly to his detriment, and that
of the cause with which he was identified !—
If there were no "sentiments" in it which he
would "disavow," why should ho have beon
concerned about its publication ? Under the
pressure, however, of what Mr. Breckinridge
calls "inexorable logic," the great apostle of
Disunionism seems to have grown bolder,
and, no longer complaining of the public ex-posure
of a private letterjboldly declares that
"there is not a word nor a sentiment in the
letter that he would disavow." We subjoin
the Utter, that our readers may have an op-portunity
of analyzing its "sentiments," and
determine for themselves whether a person
who offered such opinions and declares that
he does not "disavow" them now, is fit to dic-tate
or to lead in a great party movement.
MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858.
DEAR SIR : Your kind favor of the 15th is
received. .... i
I hardly agreo with you that a general
movement can be made that will clear out
the Augean stable. If the Democracy were
overthrown, it would result in giving place
to a greater and hungrier swarm of flies.
The remedy of the South is not in such a
process. It is in a diligent organization of
her true men for prompt resistance to the
next aggression. It must come in tho nature
of things. No national party can save us;
no sectional party can ever do it. But it we
could do as our fathers did—organize com-mittees
of safety all over the Cotton btates
(and it is only in them that wo can hope for
any effectivo movement)—we shall fire the
Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind,
give courage to each other, and at the proper
moment, by one organized concerted action, we
can participate the Cotton States into a revolu-
The idea has been shadowed forth in tho
South by Mr. Ruffin ; has been taken up and
recommended in The Advertiser (published
at Montgomery, Alabama,) under the name
of "League of United Southerners, who,
keeping up their old party relations on all
other questions, will hold the Southern issue
paramount, and will influence parties, legis-latures,
and statesmen. 1 have no time to
enlarge, but to suggest merely.
In haste, youre^L. YANCEY.
To JAMS S. SLAUGHTER. Esq.
Further comment is unnecessary. Mr.
Yancey stands by the doctrines of the Slaugh-ter
letter, and is still laboring "to fire the
Southern heart," so that "at the proper mo-ment,
to wit: "when the next aggression
comes," (the election of Lincoln, for which
he is laboring with all his might,) "which
in the Terri t . in. ie en itled to the protection
of the lawsanfl the Coi jtitutoinofthe United
States.
Keep itbefoh: the Peoj
a speech in th • Senate.;
was in favor <:'. the poli
tension of sla^ory in at:
ies, adapted a slave lafor,as humanity to the
slave, and just tohisojner; and that, in the
same speech,, ie attributes the present pros-perity
ofthe jvhole country, to the institution
of slavery. ,
Keep it before the People, That in his speech
of March 28tr*. 1850 he declared that ho voted
against the Kfcmsas Nebraska Bill because he
learned[fromj)udgeDouglas that he had in-corporated
inb o that bill the odious doctrine
of "Squatter Sovereignly," and that, in this
same speech,Ene avow* i that he voted against
thoLecompt<,';i constii ution, because it was
conceived in tin and b ought forth in fraud.
Keep it before the Pe> )le, That in his speech
of May 24, 1854; he n aintained the doctrine
ofnon-intervk ntion as aught by Mr. Calhoun
t. e, that a Territory annot legislate for or
against slavery, oxcep when it comes to form
a State Constitution.
Keep it before the P< 'le, That he is for the
admission in o the UiAon of all States, wheth-er
free or slaye, that ;»ne with a lawful con-stitution,
fairly formed, and his speech of the
18th ofMarclh, 1858, so teaches, and none
can misconstrue its meaning who aro candid
and honest.
Keep it befife the People, That John Bell vo-ted
against ..he reception of Abolition peti-tions
in 1836 in the House; that tho Demo-cracy
tried Mi dodge t ie true issue then, and
resorted to piirliarmen Lary tactics to evade the
true question, and he ; oted agaist them, as
will beseen^yconsa ting NUes' Rogistor for
1836.
Keep it before the 2 'ople, That he voted
agaist allowing unna uralized foreigners vo-ting
in Kansas, as rei ignized in the Kansas
Bill; and that, in all is votes during the ex-citing
times of 1850,1 < was found voting on
the side of toe Soutl as the Congressional
Globe for UfflO and J 54, will demonstrate.
Keep Ubefore theP< pie, That John Bell's
Record establishes a: these points, that the
thousands who speak lightly of him, are per-and
Breckinridge on the Stomp.
LXXTHOTOS, Ky., Sept. 6.—Mr. Breckin-ridge
spoke to day. He appeared before his
fellow-citizens to repel certain aonsaiions
against himself personally, and to .. ,w that
the principles upon which be stood are the
principles of both the Constitu i>>u and the
Union. Anonymous writers aud wandering
orators had chosen to tell the people that he
was a disunionist and traitor to his country.
First, he desired to state as wholly uutrue
the charges that he had intrigued for the
Presidency, and challengod contradiction
tV'j;.. anybody. It was &aid thai he was regu-larly
nominated, and that an eminent citi-zen
ofIllinois was regularly nominated: but
this was a question he had not time to dis-cuss
to day and it has already been thorough,
ly exhibited and discussed before the country
He could only say that ,heconv*iti n which
met in the Front streot theatro was dovoid,
in his opinion, not only of the spirit of jus-tice,
but of the forms of regu'arity. The gen-tleman
whom it represented never received
the vote required by the rules of the demo-cratic
organization. Whole States were ex-cluded
and disfranchised, not to tipeak of in-dividuals.
The most flagrant acts of injus-tice
were pertrated tor the purposoof forcing
a particular dogma upon tho democlic organ-ization,
and tho gentleman who is tho repre-sentative
of that dogma is the representative
also of principles which I will be able to
show are repugnant alike to reason and the
Constitution
Mr. Breckinridge next denied that ho sign-ed
a petition for the pardon of John Brown,
—that he was in favor of the election of Gen.
Taylor, referring to the fact of his taking the
stump for Cass in that campaign. He then
defended himself from various charges and as-persions
and affecting his past and present
political course quoting from several newspa-pers
and speeches to sastain his statements.
He stated as his doctrine and a', orra the
equal right of all sections in the territories,
—the absolute power of each new Slate to
settle the question of freedon or slavery in
its constitution, and hands off tho wnole sub-ject
by the federal governmen*. c.'.cept for
one or two protective purposes, nu stated
that during the debate pending (he passage
of tho Kansas-Nebraska bill it was enuncia-ted
by Mr. Douglas that the question of pow-er
by a territory to exclude slavery was one
for judicial settlement, all agreeing to abide
by the decision rendered. Mr. Brockinridge
then quoted ti e Dred Scott decision in sup-port
of his position and the platform on which
he stood. Mr. B. argued that Con.TOSS has
the power to protect property in the Territo-ries,
refuting the position ofSenator Douglas
that Congress never had exercised that pow-er.
Ho contended that the principles upon
which he stood were those of the Constitu-tion
and the Union. It has been stated, for
the past two or three months, that I was a
Disunionist, and those Democrats connected
with me area disunion organization, seeking
to breakup this confederacy, and referred to
the course of Douglas in New England and
Virginia, in characterizing all who disagreed
with him as Disunionists, and of -Mr. Crittcn-dom,
who had intimated, in a speech nt Louis-ville,
that he (Mr. B,) was connected, with a
disunion organization, and invited any person
to point out anything in his character or an-tecedents
which will sanction tho charge of
being a Disunionist. The man docs not live
who can couple my name with the slightest
taint ofdisloyalty to the Constitution and the
Union. Mr. B. then read the platform adop-ted
by the Convention which nominated him
saying they were taken nearly verbatim from
the U. S. Supreme Court, aud the precedents
and practices of the government, and were
vital, important and concerned tho rights of
sight, and they felly deserve th? 3ueos
which has rewarded their enterprise. For
the friends of the South there can be fond no
more deaireable place*to deal, as the whole
house is composed of gentlemen of sterling
character and worth and there is no <fc>ubi
but all will be satisfied who pay thejn a visit.
Baltimore American.
Dwarf Pear* fbr--Termer*.
It has been stoutly contended by some that
dwarf pears are entirely unsuited to farm
culture ; that though they might do well
enough for the nrdan.th* attempt to grow
them iu orchards for the purpose of seising
fuitfor market, whoold result in taslare. matl
io loss to him who should be bold eaoagh to
try the experiment. We could never see
cither sense or philosophy in this, tpr we
have always noticed that trees in gardejis. as
a general thing, receive no extra attention or
culture, hardly what whould be called good
farm culture, and onty ia rare oases as clean
and thorough culture aa a good farmer would
givebiscorn. Did we wish to give dwarf
trees a good chance, we would plant oat half
an acre or more in a good s*l, prepare tho
ground well and deep, and then use the culti-vator
f realy, just as wo would dp if we wish-ed
to raise a fine crop ef corn or potatoes,
only being careful not to injure the roots of
the .reos, of which there is little danger if
the cultivator only is used. Close around the
trees, however the fork may be used to advan-tage.
Whatever may be doing in other sec-tions,
the farmers in this neighbourhood are
beginning to take a sensible view of this
question. Peaches and apples have for thirty
years been the favourite fruit crops of our
farmers; but of late the peach has been so
uncertain, that they are beginning tb plant
dwarf pears as a substitute, and it is no un«
common thing for farmers to plant five hundred
or a thousand, and evon double '.his number
of dwarf pears, not for fancy or experiment,
but for profit. Tbey therefore select a few of
the leading varieties, and our aerseries, num-erous
and Urge as tbey aro unable to meet this
great demand.—Rural New Yorker.
fectly ignorant of hii political record, aim i ^n a"nd prorerty> the honor „ ..(uality
that the honest masses are becoming "fquian-1 £f ^ State8 _and contended that lite plat-ted
with his political record, and will give
him a vote in November next that will alike
astonish the Democrats and Republicans.
Keep it before the Pi ople, That the leaders
of Democracy have invariably tried to brand
with Abolit onism every candidate opposed to
their nomiote for the Presidency, whether
from the South or tbi North ; as m the cases
of Harrison, Clay, TJylor, Fillmore, Scott and
Bell.
Keepitbefare the P ople, That any man in
public or private life
who charges John P
tionist, is a liar and
peat it after seeing
scoundrel.
Keep it before the 1
erett endorses the <
on the stump or off it,
11 with being an Aboli-landerer,
and if he re-s
political record, he is a
from was constitutional and not disunion.
Mr. Brockinridge continued at great length
advocating the principles of tho Democratic
party, and was frequently interrupted by ap-plause.
_
ople, That Edward Ev-mpromise
measures of
1850, relatire to SI* ery—that <"s to say, that
say when they form
tions, and not before
w.iethor slavery shi.r i or shall not exist—mea-sures
which Mr. ( j-.lhoun acquiesed in and
supported. „ _
Keep it before the People, That Mr. Everett
is tho most learned, accomplished, eloquent,
and patriotic man ever run for the Vice Presi-dency
sinc-o the organization of our govern-ment
; and that he ia ready to defend the right
of tho slave-holders, and said so while a mem-ber
of Congress. .
Keep it before the People, That Breckinndgo
testified in a speech Wore tho Kentucky
Legislaturc.it December last, tha Mr I., ■•■■•
ett is noble and true man—is a
and patriotic man-^-and would ^scorn an
banco with Republicanism!
Keep it before the People, That tho Bell and
Everett tioket, is ^he only national ticket
before tbeoiation, fiee from all sectionalism
—and deserving th\ cordial support of all true
men and patriots, aI
From the statistics of
conservative
al-
Crimein London.
Dr. Forbes Winsloj
10,000 children s
crime in London,
sional thieves, and
wo learn that there aro
tematically educated in
There are 50,000 profes-
000 houses dealing solely
kTstolen goods. Brides these, there,are.over
15,000 gamblers, 2.-.000 beggars,l*0,Ou0 vi-cious
and drunkards, and 150,0000 women
who live > life of prostitution.
Any way to beatClingman, but we think
much better and abler men might be selected
irom the democrat,.; party for Senator than
Avery. We don't ^dmire the political char-acter
of either.—Sewbern Progress.
•— — ' *** * e^——
A prominent Ciizen of Galveston writes
■ r '■ ■»•—•:-« Committee that
She
to the Union E.ecutive
Texas will gave Bell 15,000 majority,
gave Houston last year 10,000—and Houston
is now for Bell.
Handsome Improvement.
Among the many recent neat improvements
on Baltimore street, is that of the Messrs.
Armstong, Cator & Co, whoso increasing pa-tronage
has demanded the improvement just
completed. It is always a pleasure and the
duty of the press to make a passing notice of
the energy displayed by the citizens in all
departments of trade, and especially when
tho object is so prominent as to attract the at-tention
of dealers from every portion of the
country. A few years ago the whole South,
the west wore obliged to go to the Northern,
and Eastern cities for a full as0o.\.,,cut of
those articles so necessary to tho female ap-parel,
but now that necessity is entirely ob-viated
by tho fact that Messrs, Armstong,
Cator & Co. have always on hand a supply
equal to that or any other establishment in
the United States. With their increased
trade it became necessary during the past
summer to enlarge their building, and extend
it to the entire depth of the lot, for the recep-tion
ofthe immense stock which they have
now on hand. Their building, No, 227 West
Baltimore street near Charles, is one of the
most attractive merc-ntile featurs of the city
and is so from the fact that they sell at
small profits to prompt custo.mfr The
first floor #of the establishment is devoted
io the display of a large and ,-u- -' assort-ment
of new styles of ribbons a.id ott.er ar-ticles
specially in the millinery, line.—
Amongst the new varieties of ribbons are Fu-xias
Solferinos. Mauves and Magentas, the
hues'of which are bright, mild and beautiful,
with all of the delicate flower tints so much
admired by the lovers ofnature. The second
floor of the establishment extends over No.
239 and presents an array still more attractive
than the first. Here are upwards of six hun-dred
varieties of French flowers, bo-inet vel-vets
of every discription, laces and plumes de
cock up to the finest marabout and ostrich,
with a full assortment of straw goods, inclu-ding
the jaunty little hats now worn by the
ladies, and so generally admired. T . J third
and upper floors contain unbroken packages
of goods, and the wholo forms one of the most
complete assortments to be found in the
tho country. That the efforts of Jut enter
prising firm are appreciated., is manifest from
the fact that wtihin a few years past the
trade with tho South and We: t have increas-ed
to such an extent as to require the con-stant
assistance of some fifteen clerks. This
firm entered with a boldness upon the business
which reflects great credit upon their fore-
Abandons she Demcoiatlo Pe/tv.
The Whig contains a letter from the Kon.
E. M. Verger, a distinguished citizen ofMis-sissippi,
in which that gentleman declares
himself for Bell and Everett. It is we'l known
that last December Mr. Verges- pifolioly allied
himself with the Democratic party. Believ-ing,
from the unerring signs of the times that
Boll and Kverett are the only national candi-dates
In the field, and the only ticket which
stands a ghost o£ a cbanee of SUOJQBM over the
Black Republicans, he give* bis anpport ia
this contest to Boll and Everett. We copy
the concluding portion of Mr. Yerger's let-ter
:
Without attempting to discuss the profes-sed
principles of either party in the field, it
seems to mo thst the only questions a patriot
should now ask ought to be; How can we save
the Union? How wo can crush tho Black
Republicans ? Whatever party we may hero-totoro
have acted with, of we th** Sooth are lor
the rights of the South, and it becomes us as
a great and intelligent people, to put as dhd to
tho roign ofparty tyranny. It has already
nearly proved fatal to our country. Individ-ual
independence is now necessary to proservo
it. Without doubting the devotion ef any
party in Mississippi in the interests of the
South, it cannot, 1 think, be successfully de-nied
that the Democracy have failed, as a Na-tional
party, to secure that which was tho
very germ of the dissolution. These opinions
are now held within my own knowledge, by
some of the most distinguished supporter- of
Mr. Breakinridge in Mississippi, who have,
furthermore, patriotically declared their will-ingness
to support Mr, Bell, should it indeed
appear that be is the strongest candidate iu tho
field. The recent elections, I think, have
clearly proved this to be a fact, and it is not
too much to hope that the patriotism of these
gentlomen will soon show itself by an open
declaration for Mr. Bell.
In this contest I am for crashing the Re-publican
party, rather than the elevation of
any other, and shall therefore cast my vote
lor Bell and Everett, in my judgment, the
strongest National candidates in the Sold.
Your obedient servant,
EDWAAD M. YERGER.
A Candid Admnion.
A corresdondent of the New York Journal
of Commerce, writing from Washington, un-der
date of the 15th inst., says:
"As to political prospects in Iowa, nothing
favorable can be said. Lincoln will sweop
everything before him. even in Indiana. The
Breckinridge opposition to Douglas hat rendered
this certain."
The Journal of Commerce is a supporter of
the Breckinridge-Yancey ticket. What that
ticket may do in the North, if the people do
not ignore it, we see here confessed. We do
not doubt that the object of many leaders in
pressing the Breckinridge-Yaney ticket in
the tree States is to elect Lincoln. Mr. stan-ce}*
will visit the North to help it along, thus
playiDg into the hands ef those who have
pledged themselves to secession h the event
of Lincoln's election. The conservative U-nion
men North must counteract his efforts,
and the efforts of all who are pressing the dis-union
tit-net.—Richmond Whig
Danger* of "Going the Whole Hog."—The
Academiodes Sciences has received a commu- ,
nication, which has literally caused the qailis I
upon that fretful porcupine to stand on aneud
with horror. A savant of Wprtsbourg, M. I
Wirchow by name, announces the fearful dis- ?
covery he has just made of t he existence of s I
dreadful microscopic animal, th^ trwhina ipa-ratis,
in the flesh of hogs, whether you call it \
pork, ham,-baoon. sausages, or poiony.—
When an individual happens to eat 01 this an-imal
io abundance, he is observed to grow
pale and emaciated in a few days afterwards;
his strength deserts him, and he dies at the end \
of tho sixth week. A post-mortem examina-tionshows
the muscle of the body to be tilled
with trwhina sparatis which proves that death
most be occasioned by muscular consumption
owing to the attacks of this horrible little
monster. Moses knew well what be was a-boot
when be forbade the use of swine's flesh
to his countrymen.—Letterfn* Parie.
. m 9• — ■††††— '
Every disunionist in the South supports
Breckinridge a.\d Lane.—'"Straws show the!
way the wind blows.''
J