The Greensborough patriot [July 20, 1860]

              Q,b f&xttm\
By SHEBWOOD & LONG.
J i' ■■
a jFamilp Ketospaper—BtboteU to literature, 0griciaturr, Jttanufactures, 4tominercr, ano Jttisccltenrous fccafcrng. TERMS—12.00 IN ADVANCE
VOL. XXII. GREENSBOROTJGH, 1ST. C, JULY :20, I860. >TO. 1096,
TV Lucnsborouah Ir atrioi.
... .* »!•. JAMS A. LOHO.
SHl'HWOOD & LONG,
ED1TOB8 AND PROPRIETORS.
ftB,lS: *s».UO A YEAR, IS! ADVAXCE.
HUS llF ADVERTISING IN THE PATRIOT.
, ■•, per st^uare for the first week, and twenty-
...; rv<ry week lhereafter. TWELVE LIMI OR
'. : • a square. Deductions made in favor of
1
6 MONTHS. 1 TEAR
-"•
«r as follows:
3 MONTHS.
$350 $660 $800
" 00 1000 1400
-:r :::..iooo isoo 2000
JIB. BARRINQBR'S CIRCULAR.
•;0 Voters of CabarTus
Counties.
.J./ Valorem." Democratic
and Stanly
Thai we rec-
1 QTentioD of
,, ... it ine<iual-
... •. t;,r present
. ... •• B, and il is
• ' hal all P»©P-
. contribute its
towards the
State:
I
e State to be
. f. leral basis
actioable lor
-,, modifying
■ 1 'lyii every
PERT! may be
.. toits \alue,
10 discriminate
• I the native
• our Siato and
I pursuits of
-. — Thirteenth
the Opposition
Slave propertv, worth §200;000.000, paid $118,830
Land. <• 98.072.998, •' 190,145
Money at interest, •• 31.titi8.311, " 7<>,00:>.
Merchant's capital, «' 13,072.800. •• tio,364
Killing vehicles. " 1,911,887, " 19,113
Income of labor. " 1.302.790. " 18.687
Now observe, first, generally, how as each
of these items depreciate in value, it sustains
proportionally a heavier weight of taxation
—not unlike a huge wooden building set
upon a wooden foundation. What is such a
system but compelling the weak to bear the
burdens of the strong. What is its tendency
out to make the rich richer and the poor
poorer? Where will it end if persevered in,
but in the prostration of a!! our feebler indus-trial
interests?
Observe again, more particularly, the ine-qualities
among these items. The aggregate
rich are able to avoid it by purchasing for
themselves in the large cities, while the poor
must bay from the retailer at home—con-sider
this, and tell me whether our merchants
and their customers have not good reason to
thank .Democracy and take courage?
I could extend these remarks upon the
inequalities ot the tax-bill to any length;
but it is not deemed necessary. I conclude
with a single general observation. A revenue
system not securing something like equality,
uniformity aud simplicity, it must bo con-oeded,
is radically defective. Ours, as we
have partly seen, is not only grossly une-qual—
but it is, besides, so complicated and
iuvolved " in a double night of darkness,"
that all the Revenue officers in the State
can't see thioogh it, nor do they pretend to
slave property of the Stale, you perceive, is any un.'orm.ty of pr.ict.co under ,t. It eat-
, I l . ' '.1. eiKst u braces a list of articles more in number than
Ad Yalorem."
llesolved. That we are op-posed
to disturbing any of
the sectional compromises
of our Constitution. State
cr National, and that we
especially deprecate the in-troduction
at this time by
I lie Opposition l'arty of
North Carotin* into our
State politics of a question
of constitutional amend-ment
affecting the basis
upon which our revenue is
raised, believing it to be
premature, impolitic, dan-gerous
and unjust ; at the
•same time we deem it the
duty of the Legislature
when passing acts for the
raising of revenue, sV> to
adjust taxation, as to bear
lit equally as practicable
n-xtliiu the limit* if the Con-stitution,
upon the various
interests and classes of PROP-FUTV
if all sections of the
State.— Eleventh Resolution
of the Demoeratit Platform.
FELLOW CITIZENS : I find 1 cannot meet
in all probability, at several of the
tax-gatherings, The sheriffs of the
ave made their appointments so as
both with each other and with my
its Under these circumstances, and
ially as I am personally unknown to
; my fellow-citizens of Stanly county,
it but respectful to submit to you in
form, as briefly as I can. my views on tho
mii question of Taxation, involved in
present canvass. There is no other com-o
this in magnitude which demands
attention at tho August election.
t us advert a moment to the state of the
-lion. It i« very important for you to
r understand tho precise issue in dis-
- ii will serve to put aside a great Jeal
js matt* t with which a discussion of
lib • < t is u-ually encumbered. It is NOT,
ipositi »n toincreaseor diminish the
Xotx 'Iv* of either party desires to
• money than is necessary to meet
wants and liabilities; nor have we
repudiators among us, who would bo
r to raise less than is necessary for this
-•■ .\ certain sum of money must be
\ taxation ; and of course no change
the srsttm of revenue can either increase
ii it: any more than if a man owed
u means which he might adopt to
v it.could not affect its amount
I si question as to wn.rr shall bo
■:. There is a great confusion of ideas on
point. You are foretold of what will bo
an , of what will art be taxed under the
system of All VAI.ORKM, with as
id) ice as if the Revenue Bill was
, passed. To my mind it is strange
iny manwoold befool enough to think
'proving anything for or against AD ,
A iicn he "was gabbling all the while j
taxing or not taxing particular |
- We know what must bo taxed j
BJ stem. It is tho PROPERTY of the
must ever be the main source
revmue. It needs no prophet to,
-• that. You may get something from
( *, privileges, licenses and the like—but
■ all as the dust of the balances compared
io PROPERTY of our own citizens I
ribate, Some States have public j
' r funds to relieve their people—
• arolina has no such resource.
issue now stands out. It is purely
concerning the MODE of taxation.
about the manner of doinga thing,
Ii all agree must be done. A given
ist be raised for the Treasury—
■ ilted. It must be raised chiefly
t the pn perty of the State—that is also
How shall it be raised? that is
taxed less than six cents on the $100 worth—
the landed property at twenty cents on the
same amount. So that land pays more than
three times as high a rate as slaves. Be-sides,
you must remember that, under our
Constitution, considerably more than half of
tho slaves in number and not far short of
half in value, pay no tax at all, while land
from the start, and of whatever quality, is
taxed according to value. To illustrate the
practical difference: here are two men, one
owns a piece of land worth $500; bj his own
labor lie puts improvement upon it, which
appreciate its value to 81000. The Stato
makes haste to send the tax-gatherer after him
to compel him to pay on this enhanced value
—tho product of his own labor. The other
man owns, say, a negro woman or two, giving
birth to children, and thus adding every year
or so, one or two hundred dollars to his
wealth; but the State waits a long time be- p
'" is ' V
the letters of the alphabet " twice-told" over,
and almost every one is taxed in a different
way—somotiines specifically—sometimes ad
valorem—sometimes on capital—sometimes
on profits—sometimes on purchases—while
slaves are taxed as white men. A part of
the subjects is listed, a part unlisted—the
Clerk collects the tax on some, the Sheriff on
others.
Taking italtogether, I think we may all
confidently affirm with the Democracy of
Cabarrus, that in such a tangled, ill arranged
system a change is imperatively demanded.
We come to consider now what that change
should be. I beg each" voter to read careful-ly
over for himself the platforms of the two
parties, herewith published. lie will bo
struck with their remarkable, agreement in
this, that they undertake, each of them, to
prescribe a mode of taxing property alone.—
fore she comes and reckons with AIM for th._ rVe derive revenue from other sources, be-constantly
increasing wealth. She gives him | sides property-for example, from amusements,
twelve years before he is asked even to return i such as circuses and other strollers from tt-a
cent of it for taxation. Let me remind the i censes, such as retailers, pedlars, &c, from
landholders of this Senatorial District, who ; privileges, such as Banks, &c, But neither
own no slaves, that the outrageous inequality I party has pretended to lay down any rule
of which I have offered an illustration, is con- i with respect to amusements, licenses or priv-tinuallv
going on, in ever-varying proper- .leges. Property and projn-rty alone is alluded
tions, all around them throughout the Stato. to by them. -Now what is the just inference
How long will they suffer it? from this omission ! Why, evidently that
But Is it much better as between those who I the mode of taxing such things is to remain
re both landholders and slaveholders t Here | unaltered. To argue that because they are
25.000 in land and i in favor of taxing property, therefore, they
slaves and 810,000 i are against taxing circuses and the like, is
, land-the other 815,000 in land and S10,- >s. the same as te say, that because a man
Everybody would say that j thinks it right to whip his child, therefore he
a
are two men worth each
slaves—one has $15,000 in
\ O0O in slaves.
i they ought to pa}- the same amount of taxes
and under ad valorem they would do so. How
! is it now ? At the present rates of 6 cents on
: slaves and 20 on land, one would pay 836 on
his property and the other 829—a difference
of 87, for no reason that is worth a two-pence.
But we bear a great deal about the taxation
of slaves for county purposes. This is one
of the trump < urds "against Equal Taxalio I.
And certainly, when we recollect that the
revenue for county police is derived solely
from the land and the polls and that slaves
are as much interested in the maintenance of
is opposed To whipping his servant at all.—
It would be wise, indeed, to suit your manner
of taxing, as well as that of whipping, to the
nature of the particular subject. Nor be-cause
you favor tho application of one rule
to property, are you thereby concluded to ap-ply
the same rule to amusements or privil-eges,
which are not property—for this would
be to absurdly argue, because a man thought
it well to feed" his child with a spoon, there-fore
he was for feeding his pigs in the same
way. -Vt any rate it must be manifest to all
who can understand the English language,
that every argument, drawn from tho Whig
platform," tt<o tho effect that w'■'•'o" d'■ o not intend
the blacK poll in raising county
What is the fact? Take Cabarrus county, I
where real estate is assessed at 81,755,204, \
and slave property is quite as valuable. Land
will pay this very year, in the aggregate, for
county purposes, 85,272 07 and slaves SI,-1.
732 80. Is that any a tip roach to equality?
Puttiti" State and County taxes together,
eve, v thousand dollars worth of land in Ca-' gether or to tax then, as property.
the next • J'ct us now S° back a bttlo.way ana ren
while a I lho real question here—the oniy question
which parties have spoken—lioic should the;
xed ? According to
The thing which should concern us first and
most is to scare an amendment of the Con-stitution
so that the Legislature may tax eve-ry
species of property according to this just
rule. It is folly to be wrangling over what
shall be exempted or what taxed until we have
procured the recognition of this great princi-ple.
Can it be possible that one class of prop-erty
holders should be willing to retain or seek
to acquire a Constitutional protection against
oppressive taxation, which is not enjoyed
equally by ot her classes ? What must be the
effect ? Let me give you a home'.y illustra-tion.
Suppose a half dozen of you undertake
to carry a heavy log. If all stand squarely
up to the work, 'each man according to his
strength, why the log goes right where you
want it. and nobody is over-burdoned. " But
if one or two can manage, while making a
great ado, really to do next to nothing, of
course an undue proportion is thrown upon the
others, and it cannot belong before the exces-sive
weight will tell upon them. Here, fel-low-
citizens, you have the practical effects at
once of tho present system of ad valorem. In
the one case, certain property-holders are no-toriously
allowed to stoop from the burden of
tho public debt. In the other, every man will
be compelled to boar that burden in propor-tion
to his ability; the rich, according to their
riches ; the poor, according to their pover'y.
But I am told these are mere catch-words.—
They are no such thing. They express with
critical exactness tho very object which we
have in view.
You ask now, perhaps, what effect advalo-rem
will have upon reducing your taxes?—
This question, as I have stated, is wide of the
issue. The aim ofad valorem ia not to make
one man pay more aud anothor man pay less ;
but to equalize the taxes between tbem, so
that neither will pay more than his due share.
Since however, you ask tho question, it may
as well be answered. T'pon the supposition
that the Treasury will require no more revenue
under ad valorem than it does now it must be
evident at a glance that the effect will be to
lower the taxes on ninety out of every
hundred tax-payers. I need not trouble you
with figures and calculations, though I have
them at hand. Test tho thing in this way:
Suppose there be^a church, of which fifty of
you art; members, Your preacher needs (400
a year,and wants no more. You raise it but
wi'th pretty hard work. Suppose, further,
vou get addition of a dozen to your member-ship,
and every one of them a rich man bring-ing
with him a liberal free-will offering into
vho church treasury. I>o you ask me what
is the effect ? Why, ofcourse tho rate upon
each of you is reduced for the preacher's sup-port,
and, if need be, you have to spare for oth-1
er useful purposes of the congregation. Now
there are in the State, at least, 180,000 slaves
worth at a fair valuation 870,000,000, that
don't pay one cent of taxes—the remaining
150,000,*worth 8130,000,000, are taxed indeed
I —but in no just proportion to other propoity
or to their Value. These slaves are in the
hands of rich men, a large majority of whom
' I am persuaded, is willing to have them rated
will take that way, or confess they don't
mean what hey say. They must, therefore,
go ad valet em on all property but slaves, or
else their answer is "dark, ambiguous and
with double -ense deluding." Some of them,
I know, in order to get out ef this corner,
have urged, that, though opposed to equalis-ing
taxation, they are in favor of equalizing
the burdens of taxation. Will these gentle-men
be pleased to quit thrir hair-splitting
and disting tish for us plainly between this
tweedledum tnd tweedledee ? " If, however, I
can gather ;iny sense at all out of such twad
die, it means thai a rich man ought to bo
made to pty a disproportionate tax on his
property, si in ply because it may come easier
for him to do it. How are you going to meas-ure
the disproportion? How far will yon
carry it? .i-jainst this monstrous doctrine
(if it bo win t they mean,) I protest with up-
I'l'ted hand in tho name of common honesty
and good government. Incorporate it into
your reven- o policy, and you will soon ren-der
taxation popular with those fellows, who
are down at heels and out at elbows. You
will be Invited, oerhaps forced, to advance en
your position, and to make the rich pay all
the taxes, because, forsooth, they can afford
to do it. You open wide the door, through
tho preroga! i ?e of taxation, for plundering
the estates of the wealthy, under tho pretext
ot supporting the government. It is fit to
remind thea lvocatesyf this dishonest scheme
of equalizing the bnrdans of taxation, that if
some of our '.•ountrymen are poor, they are
also just! They will tolerate no appeal to
their sense of poverty, which does violence to
their higher MUM of justice. They will sanc-tion
no sys em of taking money from their
pockets for the common defence and welfare,
which does not deal equally by all according
to every man's ability. Neither the rich nor
the poor ought to ask for less or submit to
moro. But i;>omocratic leaders may squirm
as they please. There is their hand-writing;
and upon every principle of fair construction,
it commits them to aii valorem on all the var-ious
interest i and classes of property, except
slaves. Thi". narrows t he field of controver-sy
to a single issue: shall slaves be taxed like
other proper!}', according to value ? We say
they should bo. T it .Democrats say the]
should not b<y. In regard to all other prop-erty,
we agree that toe principle of ad valo-rem
is right tnd should be applied.
There, fellow-citizens, is tbo precise ques-tion.
Judge ye! Andean you fail to see
that, if tho sis eeholder in North Carolina oc-cupies
a bad t nineuco now, forasmuch as he
alone is protected against taxation in our
Constitution, it must'inevitably be ten fold
worse under this proposed democraticscheiae?
A slaveholder myself, tshoul I deplore the re-
Frvm the 39 libury Walcaaiar_
Enow Nothings of Salisbury.
Large sumi of mone i hate beem subscribed to axsitt
the Know Nothings of Salisbury to beat Chas. P. Fisher,
Esq., andto run in, if possible/the know Nothing, Sho-ber.
\\r wnri. our Democratic friends to be on the
alert. Stand squar. up to your full ticket and tramp
no votes. Outride influence is being brought u bear
upon our country e ection. Money is pouring in on all
sides—Fisher is to * beaten at all hazards. How much
has the notorious Jonathan Worth civen. Look out
friends in Rowan ind Davie. It is the game now to
buy you. seeing ; M can't be intimidated. Watch tbem.
Little Adder.
This show to the voters of Rowan and
Davie the es imation in which they are held
by the man who considers himself a '-dirty
lousy forei?;icr," and who conducts the tor-tuous
way >f tho Adder. He thinks they
can be bou ;ht and sold like sheep in the sham-bles
; and roundly asserts "it is the game now
to buy you," to accomplish which, "money is
pouring la on all sides " Let tho voters of
Rowan ar.d Davie judge this editor by the
same rake he judgeth them, and what will it
be? Thit he is b ught and paid for, and is
now sering his political masters in Rowan
for the jrice of that purchase. A rule that
won't work both ways is a bad one. A man I
that th nketh this sin gainst ^others condem-eth
himself, for as evi! thinks evil does. And
it he ivere deemed an acquisition to be covet-ed,
no better advertisement for sale could be
desin d by tho Opposition than this, and they I
migb safely approach him with a price in their j
hands. He is paid to do the dirty work of'
the 'fork of the party who employs bim. The ]
aboT e is a fair specimen of the service he is I
rendering. The most down right falsehoods '
are propagated in the most positive manner. ■
It is well to bo on guard against an adver-1
say that resorts to such means to carry their
pt iuts. If they believe that money is pour-it
gin on all sides to beat Fisher, then they
v ill pour it in on all sides to elect him. If
they believe that the Opposition will attempt
obuy votes, then they will certainly attempt
the same. They profess io believe this, and
therefore will endeavor to counteract it by
the same or similar means. Have they not,
already, a purse made up to j-ay the taxes of
voters'' Let them deny it! Have they net
money at their servcie, to he used according
to circumstances, to advance their candidates
in any and every way possible ? They have
men in their ranks who speak of these things
so openly that if there be any saleable votes
in the county those willing to sell need not
be ignorant of the maket place.
This is in exact keeping with the party.—
The late investigation ut Washington shows
to what extent democracy employs thepeople's
money to carry elections against the people.—
Thousands upon thousands of public funds
have been squandered in buying up editors
suits of its success. Cin you give any guod I an(j preSses, and paying for electioneering
that police as land, we should look for some-1
thing Ilk. esiuUUy l.,-t»-c„n rasl cute «ij j »l»uorm, u> tuo »'"•»«■■ H nririi.^7or I fikVVihor"'proiW Whstevcr is rai.f.1, • §W a I.5
raisi.,K cou,„y -„uo.i.oJ^=,D„^
h is produced, not,as Democrats tell you, o\
reason for be ieving itlto be "premature, im-politic,
dangi rous nud Injust" to tax a s ave
according to value; bufllimely, wise, safe and
right to tax, i i that wtFy, the white man's la-bor,
working oy his side, at the rate of one
ner cent, as It is this day? Can't everyoody
documents. This thing has been reduced to
a system under democratic rule, so that it is
well understood at Washington that those
who take government contracts, in certain ca-ses,
are expected to make their estimates in
full view of it; and are punctually required
amount of their contracts to be used for par-ty
purposes. No one knows to what extent
this system ramifies the party throughout
does to us. There is not a
platform than in the other, touching such isproc- -•---• -
subjects ; but I do not think it would be rea- : taking it off ol land.foi .xaropIt and putting
sonabloo'r honest to charge on that account, ; -tor, slaves, but by equa zing *Vj«2
that either party meant to exempt them alto-! each; by making. in either words tua
1 which before paid little or nothing, come
barrus will drop into the tax-box, at
circuit of the Sheriff, live dollars, a
pay
iew
to
of other
up
to the proportion required proper-
And this is the system fellow-citizens,
which is to bring the tax-gatherer down on
tho trivalities ot our homes and our farms;
on our lineups and pewter spoons!
0(H) and for slaves 8125.000.
Thus we seo that slave property is doing respect to taxing slaves ana slaves
those over 12 and under 50
only, re-»
^Hf^»»»toA-C«^Tr«?^_^|JJ^~ years of nfcUher mon nor]ess l|ian thc
white poll. Therefore, say the Whins. "We
it is"for the State Treasury ; and for the reason
that the same constitutional obligation, which
binds together tho white head and the black
head 88 with a chain, lies alike upon the
Justices and the Legislature.
1 have compared at some length the taxes
upon these two kinds of property, because j
they constitute our chief sources of wealth
and" revenue, and it is especially important to
secure eqality between them.
But they present by no means the only or
most glaring instances of inequality in the
tax-lull. Take the tax on LABOR, for example,
which is one percent, on the income, \ou
see at once, that a clerk in a store or a work-ing
man in a shop, who earns 8500. pays more
! into the Treasury than a slaveholder on six
- . > be taxed? that is the question
addressed to your intelligence in
•• t • anvass. To this question each
; . itiea] parties has given a different
• . • • which I beg your attention.
re I e me, however, to state the posi-l
; rt s on this question, you may
• whether there really be any occasion
• eing our present mode of taxation;
- iti saside, and you will scarcely find
pil oiis among "well-informed men on
■ laepiteoftb* prejudice with which
an zeal and attachment invest the sub-
'. •• the Democrats concede that the j res-it
•:'. isso glaringly defective and uniair-
• - roe,thatthey implore oaaotto take
•• •»! they will do, if they are only
tin power. Especially nan the De-y
"1 Cabarrus spoken out on the ne-
Tit chago in our revenue policy. At
meeting held on Tuesday of
• • ittrt, over which Col. Coleman pre-
'- •• is resolved, with one accord, "that
• ■ i-t revenue system is unjust, op-
* •v.tii imperativelydemaodsachange."
- >rdingly the delegates from
•>' ' the Democratic State Convention
fiareii, cast the vote of Cabarrus for AD
'■ : With thc Democracy, therelore,
• aunty (unless indeed they meanly
•" •*!, words) I have no controversy.
• : them, I rejoice to believe, in con-
•f parly lender-, and machinery, will
i ravi-ly forward and vote for the change,
1 ' • y resolved was so imperatively de-
:- But for fear some of them may be
"t> urn their backs upon tbem-nie
beg them calmly «o consider
aud figures touching the iiicqual-
' ..' pros- nt tax-bill.
'•a '.he following table, containing
recommend a Convention on the federal basis
for the purpose of so modifying the Constitu-tion
that every species of property may be
taxed according to its value, with power to
discriminate only in favor of the native pro-ducts
of the State and the industrial pursuits
of her eitizens." Our proposition, then, is
simply, to amend the Constitution so as
P
cxccp.ion ot home p
ing before the Legislature in respect to taxa-tion.
Not to tax every thing, as Democrats
falsely assert, but to give tho Legislature the
same power over slaves as it now has over
our other possessions, and to define the prin-ciple
upon which it shall proceed in taxing
every kind of property
sec it will not "lighten aught each man's pe- ] to come up with a certain per cent on the
culiar load," but the slaveholder's ? And
what mu9t that load be in tho end ? The
public debt is already well-nigh S9.0O0/'(.'0.—
It cannot tall Ear short of twice that sum by the l/nited States, and tho pubfiooffices' and
the time those great public works an com- j enterprises tinder tbeir control. No one
pleted. to whit b the faith of the State is pledg- j knows its extent and strength here in North
ed. Now is i possible that as slave jwners | Carolina, whore nearly all thc offices are held
we are wilting to ladeni the shoulders of oar J by that party, whether under the General
fellow-property holders^ each according to his , orStateGovernment, including the Railroads,
full strength, vilh this grievous burrt .n, when '■ q-^e power in their bands is immense; and if
wo scarcely ouch it -ourselves wi;h one of j exerted skilfully, is sufficient to bind tho poo
ourfingers? Ti ink of the fairness of 4 scheme,, p|0 hand and fool, and make them subservi
which taxes everything equally, except one J ent to the will ofthoso who control it. We
hundred and eighty or ninety thousand have seen instances of this power exerted to
slaves, that it lon't tax at all! Sf long as the ■ suppress investigations and choke down the
■ ††, ■ †, . ,i . I scat of tho evil is in the Constitu ion itself.it i voice of inquiry. We have seen the State's
heads and bloody bones wlieroa itn to »B"gni | .g Jdlo be a8S.,,.cai to ta,b of applying legisla- \ prMy sit by and witness this strangling pro-children
! W«»ll|jyrr&,Shive quackery. There :is no reuedy but in cess executed by seven democrats upon 87
another for a debt ot aflUW, is worning ma ( ^ hca|inp. v; .lue 0f ti,;e SOvere.gn people. | other stockholders who were asking tor in-little
piece of land to death in the ctlort to pay , Ic[ose j j.ave pa8fi(.d right on in the line J formation—and investigation into alleged
lit. A friend shows him unmistakeaoiy in.u | ^ argument to set jlistinct y before you abuses. We have seen the whole democratic
; this co-obligor is concealmg abundant means ,)e ^^ .fls(]e believin!j that j vpa 8ee that press of the Stato suppressing Legislative
; to pay one halfofit, and otters himassi.-. anci | cl^i|y jhure wj|1 * bearv difference of! documents exposing the manner in which
; in the attempt; buf the .stark tool turn i jniwl amon_. y0U) Jjcoept on the part of the Railroads are managed, although repea-
\ away from his friend and says. • ->o . never. ^^ ^Q JQO . jnto tji.p ow n p^.^ books tedly called upon to publish thorn. We have
I If Hook for any rebel irom thal ^UHrtl?r'; wr their principles. I hav. not stayed to i seen ademocratieofficial ofoneof theseRoads,
the Sheriffwill surely come and not only taao | ^.^ ^ wo(.,,.out ar)l] co ltradietary objec- Chas. P. Fisher, backed by this party press,
my land but won't leave me even a poor man s , ^^ tQ laxini; slaves, accc ding to value, like ! assailing with bitter personal abuse tho mem-dowry."
I other property. Those t bjections, indeed,. hers of a Legislative Committee, and hurling,
I would not have you to forget the conclud- f rnn a|| t.hroug i each other and over each oth- j like a Pope, his anathemas against public and
ing words of ourplatform—"u-ifApotter fodiSH er^ )ike anaril,y ,„ disgra-etui flight. I must
to I criminate only in favor of the native products of
utrevery species of property, with tho single our state and the industrial pursuits of our
seep.ion of home products, on an equal foot- citizens." There is avowed a blessed policy
irivate men. We have seen all these high
Wo do not distrust
for North Carolina, it wo can get it thorough
ly root
tion—a policy which, by imparting new vig-or
to the arm of home industry, will at once
relieve and stimulate the productions of the
plough, the loom and the anvil. It is the old
Whig doctrine of discrimination in favor i
ciple, too, is it that I.AHOR is taxed more than
four tunes as high as money at interest? The
capitalist has a bond well secured for 81.000
and pays the State thereon ?2 40. The
laborer earns 81,000 by the sweat of his face,
and the State takes 810 of il—the capitalist
has something laid up for a rainy day. The
laborer, at the end of the year, finds his little
income all gone to feed his wife and children.
Tbeir very bread and meat is taxed—I give
the Democratic party joy of this admirable
contrivance lor the benefit of the laboring
classes.
Equally oppressive is the tax upon mer-chandise
It is imposed upon all pvrcKases,
no matter how often made or whether for
cash or upon credit. What is the effect of such
a nix but to drive out ot the business cntcr-of
small means, who have to
thc money or credit of their
handed, presumptuous, and defiant acts, com-ing
from this party to crush out opposition
reserve, however, what I have to say of them
until I can mest you face to face. I shall not
fail then to notice a certain Address issued
which has been
learn, with espo-diligenct—
a document, by the way, ] these/and many like things, in the face of tho
which has been applauded by toe Black Re-1 sun, warning tho people to bo on the watch
to their will; and wo have seen it manifested
in favoritism to its members. It is a disgus-ting
spectacle to see a party who have done
>"' by E. G. Hay vood & CJ.,
. " carted about this Distri t, I
cial diligence—docj'imei
applau'led I
publican pres: at the North for its abolition i against tricks, unfairness, and a corruption
tendencies. , of the polls—their own bands- reeking with
I cannot conclude without invoking your j the poison infused into, and thc violence in-
I j. Pool, our caudidato j flicted upon public virture. Verily, if the peo-t-
luck with our land, our tidinj
for mo to make our
, vehicles, 1 their platform; and we know that thei teac
our merchandise, and (if Democrats will have ' j„g, of the Southern Democracy are bitterly
it «o) with even our
household and kitchen ' hostile to the doctrine.
We turn now to the answer given by the
Democratic party to the question, how should
property bo taxed ? I am not sure that I un-derstand
our Democratic friends hero. In
one respect, indeed, they have not left us to
doubt or mistake. They are opposed to any
"constitutional amendment affecting the
zealous support for M
lor Governor—a stam. Ird bearer without fear j p|e close their eyes to these things and suffer
and without reproach The banner over him | themselves to be led against themselves, the
is EQUAL T*:;ATIOX ! And let come what I day is coming when they will become so en-may,
or let fall who may in county skir-i tangled in the moshesof this party net as to
in rt-ishes, every man who loves justice should | be forced far beyond their present expecta-
:h" i rally to him « ho bei.rs that banner so nobly. ] ti
<
: be principal items from which Rev-
1 I rived, with the aggregate values
r»;-"^urii,puill bycaoU: (Compt'fl Iteport,
prising men
operate upon
friends ? Is it not a device to exalt the
wealthy'merchant over his poorer rival ? How
much more sensible it would be to lax the
capital employed at an ad valorem rate, which
this I would place all upon an equality !
This tax is levied, besides, at the rate ot
* of 1 per cent, upon purchases of ordinary
goods—li per cent, on clothing—5 per cent,
on liquor bought in the State and 10 per cent,
on foreign liquor. Now, take a ease lor illus-trillion:
Suppose a merchant has made this I
spring a purchase of 87,000 worth, as follows: ;
ftJ.OOOof ordinary goods—500 of clothing—
8500 of liquors—of which one-half has been
bought in the State, and the other half out of
it. "What tax does he pay? Just 875 on
that purchase, or more than 1 per cent. He
would pay, did I say ? I should rather have
said the «m«lin«rs. It must be so. -No man
will submit to such a per cent, on his pur-chases
without taking account of it in his
sales And when wo consider how this tax
reaches out its hundred arms and laslens on
all that we eat and drink and wear—how the
platter. It is not possible
pot-ition plainer.
There are some men who can look at no
public measure but though a mean personal
selfishness. There are others who can sec no
truth, though it be as dear as the light of
heaven at noon, that makes against their own
party creed. To such of either sort, I have
not a word to say. To all of nobler mould
and more enlarged views, I would urge, what
can be juster in a State than the principle ol
taxation which we propose? Can any thing
be more simple, uniform and equal in its ope-ration
? Suppose our proposition carries,
and the Legislature comes to frame a tax bill
under it, what will be done so far as the
property of our citizens is concerned? After
exempting a certain amount for each tax pay-er,
nothing will remain but to fix tho rate per
cent, which must bo laid on the other prop-
| erty in order to raise ihe desired revenue.—
What the amount of this exemption should
be, is a matter of detail, which must be de-termined
upon a full knowledge of tho aver-age
condition of our people and tho exigen-cies
of the Treasury.
Our cause must triumph in the end. To
doubt it would bo tc doubt your intelligence.
Gov. EHi« has entangled himself in the meshes
of his own cunning The Democratic party
has scattered itself to She four winds so that
vou can't find it ev ;n Hith a search-warrant.
Its boasted uu ionality js clean gone. Where,
under these circuro.stances, will the honest
masses go, bui to t lat well organized band
tions. It will be a day of lamentation and
mourning.
sis upon which revenue is raised, believing it, of patrioUs, whoso platform is Equality at the
J'tngcrous and un- tax.hox, the «'oust .tution of the country, tho
■ '. j-'llV^I.. . IS. 1^1 t? A .... .«-. ;. •! » I .f
to be" premature, impolitic, da ^
just." They aro opposed to taxing slaves
any, otherwise than as persons. This is all
very plain. But when they come to tell us
what they are for, they are not so clear, and
there is a dispute even among themselves.—
I have turned their platform over and over,
looked at it this way and that way, read it
backwards and forwards, and I can make
nothing out of it but this: that while they
are opposed to disturbing the constitutional
basis ot revenue in regard to slaves, they fa-vor,
at the same time, the taxation of all
other propertv according to value, iftej
certainly aim to get as near equality as they
can. They say so.
Union ol the States and the Enforcement of
the Laws? J am, fellow-citiseus,
Toarob't serv't,
V. C. BARRINUER
CONCORD, N. C, June 26 I860.
M*
that taxation ought to be""so"adjusted as to
bear as equally as practicable, within the Iim-
Ma'ryVa"^ Georgia, Texas and other States, I1 its ot the Constitution, -*J™**J*n™w Jj tercsts and classes of property. now aa
valorem is equality. It bears "as equallj
practicable upon all th
OKI III H> CITV.-Sale or Lotii.--
On Thursday 23N ol August, 1860. there »ill be
, s:lle on a credit, of valuable lots in the cityot More-
• l f
The proximity of these lot! to the public squares and
to the large Ferr.i.e Acad any about to be crcctet). anil
towards which sc o*-#180ut) hnsalieauy been subscrib-ed
render the li featiOB ve-y desirable lortamilies, who
, desire to spend tin BWBBMf at this delightful summer
They expressly declare , retreat and wate' og place. Some of the ben business
which have adopted the ad valonm saytem,
havo fixed on various amounts. But what-ever
maj be done in this particular, the ope-ration
ot tho system is still uniform and equal.
For if a man have not the specific amount of
tho exemption, he pays nothing on property,
but only on his head. If he have more, he
pays on tho excess alone.
. interests and classes
of property" that it touches—fulfilling the
very letter of their requirement. H ben they
tell us tney intend to get as near as practica-ble
to a particular point, and there be an ex-lots
will likewise be sold.
The repidity v.h which thit City is improving, ana
the prospect of a Meekly line of steamers between this
nlace and New York, shoild induce purchasers to
luvwt. J- M MOREHEAD.
President Shepard's Point Land Co
Register, Stanf ird Age, Raleigh: Observer, Fayette-ville
: Herald. w i mington : Sinston Advocate, Oolils-boro
Tribune, Washington Dispatch, Salisbury Watch
man, l.edell Ei-preas, Charlotte Bulletin, Aaheville
Advocate and Bmufort Joiirnal, will plea«e copy week-ly
until the day ot sale, a|.d forward accounts to the
eelleut highway right to it, of course they | Patriot office for collection.
you are no gentleman, whereupon G»r. EHU
made at him, with his right hand extended,
wbich Mr. Fool caught with his left hand
and drew back his right hand to strike when
a gentleman caught Mr. Pool's right arm and
prevented tho bl iw—Mr. Pool being at ihe
time ctanding at the judge's *oat. mid Gov.
Kilis standing below at t io clerk's desk, with
the judge's bench, < three feet high) between
—when friends interposed and Mr. Fool went
un with his remarks and repeated the same
thing in th* same language as before, and
said that Governor Ellis's eonduct was unbe-comiug
the Governor of the State of North
Carolina. That if he felt sgrlei ed at any re-mark
of his, this was not tho place or tho lime
or the manner to adjust such diniculiiee. That
Governor Ellis knew who ho was and that be
was responsible to him or any other gentle*
man for any offence and was ready to settle
such matters nt any time and in any way.—
That the Governor had not chosen the usual
mode recognized by gentleman to settle such
matters. Mr. Pool remarked thai he did not
wish his friends to become excited or take any
Eart in the matter; that he could settle i:
iraself. Gov. Ellis said Mr. Fool's remark
to his friends was gratutions, and that he was
Governor of the Siato aud could uot fight.—
Mi. Fool replied that tho law forbid every bo-dy
from fighting, and tho matter closed.
JOHN McLALN,
WILLIAM PATTON.
A. MILLER.
A. H.JONES,
A.JMrBKVER, .
T.W.TAYLOR,
L.S. GASH,
li. D. LEE.
P.C.BVERS,
SAM'L C. BRYSON,
S. P. BRITTAIN,
J.Y. BRYSON,
Mendersonville, July 2.18«0.
From the Favetteville Obwtei.
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS.
The reader will find below a very plain aad
truthful discussion of the ad valorem ques-tion.
Of its merits the reader will judge for
hmself; and we think it will ensure his read-ing
of it to inform him that it is so highly ap-preciated
that 30,000 copies of it wero printed
at this office some days ago—a larger number,
we suppose, than was ever printed of any oth-er
pamphlet in North Carolina.
———
Ad Valorem Explained by Questions and
Answers.
Q. What is the Dan or Noam CAROLINA?
A. The Slate owes 8* millions on bonds
already issued. It will soon owe over 18$
millions on liabilities already incurred. The
ordinaryexpenses of the government are on
an average over 8100,000 yearly. It is cer-tain
the TAXES MCBT SOON BE RAISED to at
least f*O0,0O0 to WOO.OOd annually,
*-l. Can this amount be equitably raised nn- '
der the Democratic system of taxation?
A. No. All kinds oi property except slaves,
household and kitchen furniture, horses, cat*
tie, hogs, &c., arc already taxed as high as
they can bear. Slave* bower aro but lightly
taxed.
O. What! SLAVES LIOUTLI TAXRP? HOW
do you brove that?
A. Why by the Comptroller's last Report,
8203,000,000 ofslave property paid only • 118,-
330, while 898,000,000 ol land paid 8101,980.
While land paid 20 cts. on 8100 value, slaves
paid f>; cts. Whiloslaves paid one dollar,
land paid three dollars andnfiy cents.
il. Do I understand you to say land pays
near FOUR TIMKS as much as slaves ?
A. Tea, land worth S1500pays88. A slave
mechanic worth 81609 would be taxed 80 cts.
If the slave is over f»0 ycar« or under 14, us
WOULD PAY NOTBINU.
y. Why does not the Legislature tax slaves
higher ?
A. Because tho Constitution forbids the
taxation ol slaves under 12 yours old and over
:»0. Slaves between 12 and fiO can only be
laxod as high as white men between 21 and
45.
Q. What is the number of slaves in the
State ?
A. In 1850 there were 28*,.rHf 8 ; if they In-creased
between 1*5" and I860 as they in*
creased between 1840 and 1850 '1 7.38 per et.)
there must now bo 338.54a—at 8»>00 each
worth *203,000,0O0.
<(. What are the number and value of slava
polls, i e. those between 12 and 50.
A. The Comptroller's Report has tho num-ber
147,913, but omits thos*> of Edgecombe;
add on these and we have uot less than 152,-
000—worth st least 8130.000,000. These one
hundred and thirty millions pay only 8118,-
330, while 898,000,000 of land pays 8191,980
(j. What are the number aud value ofthose
slaves which cannot be ta>ed at all by the
Legislature?
V There must he 186,000, worth say $78,-
000,000. These seventy-thror, millions can't
be taxed at all, even iflbe SuiL»> should be in-volved
in an expensive war.
i^ But why not raise the tax on slave* be-tween
12 and 50, s.» as to make up lor this
loss?
A. Because thc Constitution dors not allow
that to be done without raising ihe tax on tbe
white man. White men are ob'.iged to leav
their business to serve as jurors, as witnesses,
to fight our buttles and tor other public da-ties.
Tbe poll tax is high enough already,
perhaps too high.
ij But possibly slave* pay enough for
COUNTY TAXES to makeup this "inequality.
A. No. Land is tared foi county purposes
—so are white mon. In Waki -ounty, land
worth a litilo over 83,000,005 pays to County
nod State 813,011, while sl'.ves worth over
80,000,000 pay only 87.474. Land la Wako
pays 43 rents on the 5100, slave* 11 cents. A
negro fell.w worth $150f") pay. 8153; land
worth 815J0 paysSG 45 cent*; OVB FoCa
Tiasa As ML ill!
L2 Land pays four times as much as slaves I
but then, slaves get sick and die ; does land
gel sick and die?
A. Yes; land gets overflowed, wears out.
ii attacked with drought, with worms and
rust. Houses and turpentine trees and lea-ces
are burnt. If land is not physicked with
manure it soon dies.
Q. But young slaves can't work, don't pro-duce
anything :ought they be taxed ?
A. Why net? There wore in the State in
185". 5.45S;975 acres of land improved, and
15.543.008 acres unimproved. In Wake, 161,*
091 improved, ami i»52.17* unimproved; yet
«a»
Dffiuclty Between Messrs- Pool and E'di-.
Tho Raleigh liegister publishes the follow-ing
card in exp'analioti of a difficulty which
occuredut Hendersonville between Messrs.
Pool and Ellis :
We were present at the discussion at Hen-dersonville
on this day, between Gov Ellis
and Mr. Pool, in which a personal difficulty
oceured; to proven: misrepresentation of the
circumstances, we deem it a duty to the pub-lic
to make a brief statement of the facts. Mr.
Pool in hisopening speech stated, that it had
been reported that he was in favor of faxtny
tverthing,tin cupi, &c. That his competitor
did not suy so himself, but only argued s«,
from the platform of Mr. Pod's party and Mr.
Pool went on to remark, lhat anybody who
charged him with being in favor or of advo
eating this thing, told a lie and he authori-zed
every person present to hay that ho said
so.
Governor Ellis, when he came to reply to
this part of Mr. Pool's address, charged Mr.
Pool with using such language as he would
not have used in a rich man's parlor. Mr.
Pool, in his rejoinder to this remark, said he
did not know any other language which
should be used, when such a charge was made.
aad he would not hesitate to uso such Ian
guage in a rich man's parlor or any where
elne if it became necessary. Governor Ellis
arose from his seat in an excited and menacing
manner and said Mr. Pool wan using language
unbecoming a gentleman. Mr. Pool replied j all the unimproved land is laved 20 cents