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Q,b f&xttm\ By SHEBWOOD & LONG. J i' ■■ a jFamilp Ketospaper—BtboteU to literature, 0griciaturr, Jttanufactures, 4tominercr, ano Jttisccltenrous fccafcrng. TERMS—12.00 IN ADVANCE VOL. XXII. GREENSBOROTJGH, 1ST. C, JULY :20, I860. >TO. 1096, TV Lucnsborouah Ir atrioi. ... .* »!•. JAMS A. LOHO. SHl'HWOOD & LONG, ED1TOB8 AND PROPRIETORS. ftB,lS: *s».UO A YEAR, IS! ADVAXCE. HUS llF ADVERTISING IN THE PATRIOT. , ■•, per st^uare for the first week, and twenty- ...; rv<ry week lhereafter. TWELVE LIMI OR '. : • a square. Deductions made in favor of 1 6 MONTHS. 1 TEAR -"• «r as follows: 3 MONTHS. $350 $660 $800 " 00 1000 1400 -:r :::..iooo isoo 2000 JIB. BARRINQBR'S CIRCULAR. •;0 Voters of CabarTus Counties. .J./ Valorem." Democratic and Stanly Thai we rec- 1 QTentioD of ,, ... it ine<iual- ... •. t;,r present . ... •• B, and il is • ' hal all P»©P- . contribute its towards the State: I e State to be . f. leral basis actioable lor -,, modifying ■ 1 'lyii every PERT! may be .. toits \alue, 10 discriminate • I the native • our Siato and I pursuits of -. — Thirteenth the Opposition Slave propertv, worth §200;000.000, paid $118,830 Land. <• 98.072.998, •' 190,145 Money at interest, •• 31.titi8.311, " 7<>,00:>. Merchant's capital, «' 13,072.800. •• tio,364 Killing vehicles. " 1,911,887, " 19,113 Income of labor. " 1.302.790. " 18.687 Now observe, first, generally, how as each of these items depreciate in value, it sustains proportionally a heavier weight of taxation —not unlike a huge wooden building set upon a wooden foundation. What is such a system but compelling the weak to bear the burdens of the strong. What is its tendency out to make the rich richer and the poor poorer? Where will it end if persevered in, but in the prostration of a!! our feebler indus-trial interests? Observe again, more particularly, the ine-qualities among these items. The aggregate rich are able to avoid it by purchasing for themselves in the large cities, while the poor must bay from the retailer at home—con-sider this, and tell me whether our merchants and their customers have not good reason to thank .Democracy and take courage? I could extend these remarks upon the inequalities ot the tax-bill to any length; but it is not deemed necessary. I conclude with a single general observation. A revenue system not securing something like equality, uniformity aud simplicity, it must bo con-oeded, is radically defective. Ours, as we have partly seen, is not only grossly une-qual— but it is, besides, so complicated and iuvolved " in a double night of darkness," that all the Revenue officers in the State can't see thioogh it, nor do they pretend to slave property of the Stale, you perceive, is any un.'orm.ty of pr.ict.co under ,t. It eat- , I l . ' '.1. eiKst u braces a list of articles more in number than Ad Yalorem." llesolved. That we are op-posed to disturbing any of the sectional compromises of our Constitution. State cr National, and that we especially deprecate the in-troduction at this time by I lie Opposition l'arty of North Carotin* into our State politics of a question of constitutional amend-ment affecting the basis upon which our revenue is raised, believing it to be premature, impolitic, dan-gerous and unjust ; at the •same time we deem it the duty of the Legislature when passing acts for the raising of revenue, sV> to adjust taxation, as to bear lit equally as practicable n-xtliiu the limit* if the Con-stitution, upon the various interests and classes of PROP-FUTV if all sections of the State.— Eleventh Resolution of the Demoeratit Platform. FELLOW CITIZENS : I find 1 cannot meet in all probability, at several of the tax-gatherings, The sheriffs of the ave made their appointments so as both with each other and with my its Under these circumstances, and ially as I am personally unknown to ; my fellow-citizens of Stanly county, it but respectful to submit to you in form, as briefly as I can. my views on tho mii question of Taxation, involved in present canvass. There is no other com-o this in magnitude which demands attention at tho August election. t us advert a moment to the state of the -lion. It i« very important for you to r understand tho precise issue in dis- - ii will serve to put aside a great Jeal js matt* t with which a discussion of lib • < t is u-ually encumbered. It is NOT, ipositi »n toincreaseor diminish the Xotx 'Iv* of either party desires to • money than is necessary to meet wants and liabilities; nor have we repudiators among us, who would bo r to raise less than is necessary for this -•■ .\ certain sum of money must be \ taxation ; and of course no change the srsttm of revenue can either increase ii it: any more than if a man owed u means which he might adopt to v it.could not affect its amount I si question as to wn.rr shall bo ■:. There is a great confusion of ideas on point. You are foretold of what will bo an , of what will art be taxed under the system of All VAI.ORKM, with as id) ice as if the Revenue Bill was , passed. To my mind it is strange iny manwoold befool enough to think 'proving anything for or against AD , A iicn he "was gabbling all the while j taxing or not taxing particular | - We know what must bo taxed j BJ stem. It is tho PROPERTY of the must ever be the main source revmue. It needs no prophet to, -• that. You may get something from ( *, privileges, licenses and the like—but ■ all as the dust of the balances compared io PROPERTY of our own citizens I ribate, Some States have public j ' r funds to relieve their people— • arolina has no such resource. issue now stands out. It is purely concerning the MODE of taxation. about the manner of doinga thing, Ii all agree must be done. A given ist be raised for the Treasury— ■ ilted. It must be raised chiefly t the pn perty of the State—that is also How shall it be raised? that is taxed less than six cents on the $100 worth— the landed property at twenty cents on the same amount. So that land pays more than three times as high a rate as slaves. Be-sides, you must remember that, under our Constitution, considerably more than half of tho slaves in number and not far short of half in value, pay no tax at all, while land from the start, and of whatever quality, is taxed according to value. To illustrate the practical difference: here are two men, one owns a piece of land worth $500; bj his own labor lie puts improvement upon it, which appreciate its value to 81000. The Stato makes haste to send the tax-gatherer after him to compel him to pay on this enhanced value —tho product of his own labor. The other man owns, say, a negro woman or two, giving birth to children, and thus adding every year or so, one or two hundred dollars to his wealth; but the State waits a long time be- p '" is ' V the letters of the alphabet " twice-told" over, and almost every one is taxed in a different way—somotiines specifically—sometimes ad valorem—sometimes on capital—sometimes on profits—sometimes on purchases—while slaves are taxed as white men. A part of the subjects is listed, a part unlisted—the Clerk collects the tax on some, the Sheriff on others. Taking italtogether, I think we may all confidently affirm with the Democracy of Cabarrus, that in such a tangled, ill arranged system a change is imperatively demanded. We come to consider now what that change should be. I beg each" voter to read careful-ly over for himself the platforms of the two parties, herewith published. lie will bo struck with their remarkable, agreement in this, that they undertake, each of them, to prescribe a mode of taxing property alone.— fore she comes and reckons with AIM for th._ rVe derive revenue from other sources, be-constantly increasing wealth. She gives him | sides property-for example, from amusements, twelve years before he is asked even to return i such as circuses and other strollers from tt-a cent of it for taxation. Let me remind the i censes, such as retailers, pedlars, &c, from landholders of this Senatorial District, who ; privileges, such as Banks, &c, But neither own no slaves, that the outrageous inequality I party has pretended to lay down any rule of which I have offered an illustration, is con- i with respect to amusements, licenses or priv-tinuallv going on, in ever-varying proper- .leges. Property and projn-rty alone is alluded tions, all around them throughout the Stato. to by them. -Now what is the just inference How long will they suffer it? from this omission ! Why, evidently that But Is it much better as between those who I the mode of taxing such things is to remain re both landholders and slaveholders t Here | unaltered. To argue that because they are 25.000 in land and i in favor of taxing property, therefore, they slaves and 810,000 i are against taxing circuses and the like, is , land-the other 815,000 in land and S10,- >s. the same as te say, that because a man Everybody would say that j thinks it right to whip his child, therefore he a are two men worth each slaves—one has $15,000 in \ O0O in slaves. i they ought to pa}- the same amount of taxes and under ad valorem they would do so. How ! is it now ? At the present rates of 6 cents on : slaves and 20 on land, one would pay 836 on his property and the other 829—a difference of 87, for no reason that is worth a two-pence. But we bear a great deal about the taxation of slaves for county purposes. This is one of the trump < urds "against Equal Taxalio I. And certainly, when we recollect that the revenue for county police is derived solely from the land and the polls and that slaves are as much interested in the maintenance of is opposed To whipping his servant at all.— It would be wise, indeed, to suit your manner of taxing, as well as that of whipping, to the nature of the particular subject. Nor be-cause you favor tho application of one rule to property, are you thereby concluded to ap-ply the same rule to amusements or privil-eges, which are not property—for this would be to absurdly argue, because a man thought it well to feed" his child with a spoon, there-fore he was for feeding his pigs in the same way. -Vt any rate it must be manifest to all who can understand the English language, that every argument, drawn from tho Whig platform," tt<o tho effect that w'■'•'o" d'■ o not intend the blacK poll in raising county What is the fact? Take Cabarrus county, I where real estate is assessed at 81,755,204, \ and slave property is quite as valuable. Land will pay this very year, in the aggregate, for county purposes, 85,272 07 and slaves SI,-1. 732 80. Is that any a tip roach to equality? Puttiti" State and County taxes together, eve, v thousand dollars worth of land in Ca-' gether or to tax then, as property. the next • J'ct us now S° back a bttlo.way ana ren while a I lho real question here—the oniy question which parties have spoken—lioic should the; xed ? According to The thing which should concern us first and most is to scare an amendment of the Con-stitution so that the Legislature may tax eve-ry species of property according to this just rule. It is folly to be wrangling over what shall be exempted or what taxed until we have procured the recognition of this great princi-ple. Can it be possible that one class of prop-erty holders should be willing to retain or seek to acquire a Constitutional protection against oppressive taxation, which is not enjoyed equally by ot her classes ? What must be the effect ? Let me give you a home'.y illustra-tion. Suppose a half dozen of you undertake to carry a heavy log. If all stand squarely up to the work, 'each man according to his strength, why the log goes right where you want it. and nobody is over-burdoned. " But if one or two can manage, while making a great ado, really to do next to nothing, of course an undue proportion is thrown upon the others, and it cannot belong before the exces-sive weight will tell upon them. Here, fel-low- citizens, you have the practical effects at once of tho present system of ad valorem. In the one case, certain property-holders are no-toriously allowed to stoop from the burden of tho public debt. In the other, every man will be compelled to boar that burden in propor-tion to his ability; the rich, according to their riches ; the poor, according to their pover'y. But I am told these are mere catch-words.— They are no such thing. They express with critical exactness tho very object which we have in view. You ask now, perhaps, what effect advalo-rem will have upon reducing your taxes?— This question, as I have stated, is wide of the issue. The aim ofad valorem ia not to make one man pay more aud anothor man pay less ; but to equalize the taxes between tbem, so that neither will pay more than his due share. Since however, you ask tho question, it may as well be answered. T'pon the supposition that the Treasury will require no more revenue under ad valorem than it does now it must be evident at a glance that the effect will be to lower the taxes on ninety out of every hundred tax-payers. I need not trouble you with figures and calculations, though I have them at hand. Test tho thing in this way: Suppose there be^a church, of which fifty of you art; members, Your preacher needs (400 a year,and wants no more. You raise it but wi'th pretty hard work. Suppose, further, vou get addition of a dozen to your member-ship, and every one of them a rich man bring-ing with him a liberal free-will offering into vho church treasury. I>o you ask me what is the effect ? Why, ofcourse tho rate upon each of you is reduced for the preacher's sup-port, and, if need be, you have to spare for oth-1 er useful purposes of the congregation. Now there are in the State, at least, 180,000 slaves worth at a fair valuation 870,000,000, that don't pay one cent of taxes—the remaining 150,000,*worth 8130,000,000, are taxed indeed I —but in no just proportion to other propoity or to their Value. These slaves are in the hands of rich men, a large majority of whom ' I am persuaded, is willing to have them rated will take that way, or confess they don't mean what hey say. They must, therefore, go ad valet em on all property but slaves, or else their answer is "dark, ambiguous and with double -ense deluding." Some of them, I know, in order to get out ef this corner, have urged, that, though opposed to equalis-ing taxation, they are in favor of equalizing the burdens of taxation. Will these gentle-men be pleased to quit thrir hair-splitting and disting tish for us plainly between this tweedledum tnd tweedledee ? " If, however, I can gather ;iny sense at all out of such twad die, it means thai a rich man ought to bo made to pty a disproportionate tax on his property, si in ply because it may come easier for him to do it. How are you going to meas-ure the disproportion? How far will yon carry it? .i-jainst this monstrous doctrine (if it bo win t they mean,) I protest with up- I'l'ted hand in tho name of common honesty and good government. Incorporate it into your reven- o policy, and you will soon ren-der taxation popular with those fellows, who are down at heels and out at elbows. You will be Invited, oerhaps forced, to advance en your position, and to make the rich pay all the taxes, because, forsooth, they can afford to do it. You open wide the door, through tho preroga! i ?e of taxation, for plundering the estates of the wealthy, under tho pretext ot supporting the government. It is fit to remind thea lvocatesyf this dishonest scheme of equalizing the bnrdans of taxation, that if some of our '.•ountrymen are poor, they are also just! They will tolerate no appeal to their sense of poverty, which does violence to their higher MUM of justice. They will sanc-tion no sys em of taking money from their pockets for the common defence and welfare, which does not deal equally by all according to every man's ability. Neither the rich nor the poor ought to ask for less or submit to moro. But i;>omocratic leaders may squirm as they please. There is their hand-writing; and upon every principle of fair construction, it commits them to aii valorem on all the var-ious interest i and classes of property, except slaves. Thi". narrows t he field of controver-sy to a single issue: shall slaves be taxed like other proper!}', according to value ? We say they should bo. T it .Democrats say the] should not b<y. In regard to all other prop-erty, we agree that toe principle of ad valo-rem is right tnd should be applied. There, fellow-citizens, is tbo precise ques-tion. Judge ye! Andean you fail to see that, if tho sis eeholder in North Carolina oc-cupies a bad t nineuco now, forasmuch as he alone is protected against taxation in our Constitution, it must'inevitably be ten fold worse under this proposed democraticscheiae? A slaveholder myself, tshoul I deplore the re- Frvm the 39 libury Walcaaiar_ Enow Nothings of Salisbury. Large sumi of mone i hate beem subscribed to axsitt the Know Nothings of Salisbury to beat Chas. P. Fisher, Esq., andto run in, if possible/the know Nothing, Sho-ber. \\r wnri. our Democratic friends to be on the alert. Stand squar. up to your full ticket and tramp no votes. Outride influence is being brought u bear upon our country e ection. Money is pouring in on all sides—Fisher is to * beaten at all hazards. How much has the notorious Jonathan Worth civen. Look out friends in Rowan ind Davie. It is the game now to buy you. seeing ; M can't be intimidated. Watch tbem. Little Adder. This show to the voters of Rowan and Davie the es imation in which they are held by the man who considers himself a '-dirty lousy forei?;icr," and who conducts the tor-tuous way >f tho Adder. He thinks they can be bou ;ht and sold like sheep in the sham-bles ; and roundly asserts "it is the game now to buy you," to accomplish which, "money is pouring la on all sides " Let tho voters of Rowan ar.d Davie judge this editor by the same rake he judgeth them, and what will it be? Thit he is b ught and paid for, and is now sering his political masters in Rowan for the jrice of that purchase. A rule that won't work both ways is a bad one. A man I that th nketh this sin gainst ^others condem-eth himself, for as evi! thinks evil does. And it he ivere deemed an acquisition to be covet-ed, no better advertisement for sale could be desin d by tho Opposition than this, and they I migb safely approach him with a price in their j hands. He is paid to do the dirty work of' the 'fork of the party who employs bim. The ] aboT e is a fair specimen of the service he is I rendering. The most down right falsehoods ' are propagated in the most positive manner. ■ It is well to bo on guard against an adver-1 say that resorts to such means to carry their pt iuts. If they believe that money is pour-it gin on all sides to beat Fisher, then they v ill pour it in on all sides to elect him. If they believe that the Opposition will attempt obuy votes, then they will certainly attempt the same. They profess io believe this, and therefore will endeavor to counteract it by the same or similar means. Have they not, already, a purse made up to j-ay the taxes of voters'' Let them deny it! Have they net money at their servcie, to he used according to circumstances, to advance their candidates in any and every way possible ? They have men in their ranks who speak of these things so openly that if there be any saleable votes in the county those willing to sell need not be ignorant of the maket place. This is in exact keeping with the party.— The late investigation ut Washington shows to what extent democracy employs thepeople's money to carry elections against the people.— Thousands upon thousands of public funds have been squandered in buying up editors suits of its success. Cin you give any guod I an(j preSses, and paying for electioneering that police as land, we should look for some-1 thing Ilk. esiuUUy l.,-t»-c„n rasl cute «ij j »l»uorm, u> tuo »'"•»«■■ H nririi.^7or I fikVVihor"'proiW Whstevcr is rai.f.1, • §W a I.5 raisi.,K cou,„y -„uo.i.oJ^=,D„^ h is produced, not,as Democrats tell you, o\ reason for be ieving itlto be "premature, im-politic, dangi rous nud Injust" to tax a s ave according to value; bufllimely, wise, safe and right to tax, i i that wtFy, the white man's la-bor, working oy his side, at the rate of one ner cent, as It is this day? Can't everyoody documents. This thing has been reduced to a system under democratic rule, so that it is well understood at Washington that those who take government contracts, in certain ca-ses, are expected to make their estimates in full view of it; and are punctually required amount of their contracts to be used for par-ty purposes. No one knows to what extent this system ramifies the party throughout does to us. There is not a platform than in the other, touching such isproc- -•---• - subjects ; but I do not think it would be rea- : taking it off ol land.foi .xaropIt and putting sonabloo'r honest to charge on that account, ; -tor, slaves, but by equa zing *Vj«2 that either party meant to exempt them alto-! each; by making. in either words tua 1 which before paid little or nothing, come barrus will drop into the tax-box, at circuit of the Sheriff, live dollars, a pay iew to of other up to the proportion required proper- And this is the system fellow-citizens, which is to bring the tax-gatherer down on tho trivalities ot our homes and our farms; on our lineups and pewter spoons! 0(H) and for slaves 8125.000. Thus we seo that slave property is doing respect to taxing slaves ana slaves those over 12 and under 50 only, re-» ^Hf^»»»toA-C«^Tr«?^_^|JJ^~ years of nfcUher mon nor]ess l|ian thc white poll. Therefore, say the Whins. "We it is"for the State Treasury ; and for the reason that the same constitutional obligation, which binds together tho white head and the black head 88 with a chain, lies alike upon the Justices and the Legislature. 1 have compared at some length the taxes upon these two kinds of property, because j they constitute our chief sources of wealth and" revenue, and it is especially important to secure eqality between them. But they present by no means the only or most glaring instances of inequality in the tax-lull. Take the tax on LABOR, for example, which is one percent, on the income, \ou see at once, that a clerk in a store or a work-ing man in a shop, who earns 8500. pays more ! into the Treasury than a slaveholder on six - . > be taxed? that is the question addressed to your intelligence in •• t • anvass. To this question each ; . itiea] parties has given a different • . • • which I beg your attention. re I e me, however, to state the posi-l ; rt s on this question, you may • whether there really be any occasion • eing our present mode of taxation; - iti saside, and you will scarcely find pil oiis among "well-informed men on ■ laepiteoftb* prejudice with which an zeal and attachment invest the sub- '. •• the Democrats concede that the j res-it •:'. isso glaringly defective and uniair- • - roe,thatthey implore oaaotto take •• •»! they will do, if they are only tin power. Especially nan the De-y "1 Cabarrus spoken out on the ne- Tit chago in our revenue policy. At meeting held on Tuesday of • • ittrt, over which Col. Coleman pre- '- •• is resolved, with one accord, "that • ■ i-t revenue system is unjust, op- * •v.tii imperativelydemaodsachange." - >rdingly the delegates from •>' ' the Democratic State Convention fiareii, cast the vote of Cabarrus for AD '■ : With thc Democracy, therelore, • aunty (unless indeed they meanly •" •*!, words) I have no controversy. • : them, I rejoice to believe, in con- •f parly lender-, and machinery, will i ravi-ly forward and vote for the change, 1 ' • y resolved was so imperatively de- :- But for fear some of them may be "t> urn their backs upon tbem-nie beg them calmly «o consider aud figures touching the iiicqual- ' ..' pros- nt tax-bill. '•a '.he following table, containing recommend a Convention on the federal basis for the purpose of so modifying the Constitu-tion that every species of property may be taxed according to its value, with power to discriminate only in favor of the native pro-ducts of the State and the industrial pursuits of her eitizens." Our proposition, then, is simply, to amend the Constitution so as P cxccp.ion ot home p ing before the Legislature in respect to taxa-tion. Not to tax every thing, as Democrats falsely assert, but to give tho Legislature the same power over slaves as it now has over our other possessions, and to define the prin-ciple upon which it shall proceed in taxing every kind of property sec it will not "lighten aught each man's pe- ] to come up with a certain per cent on the culiar load," but the slaveholder's ? And what mu9t that load be in tho end ? The public debt is already well-nigh S9.0O0/'(.'0.— It cannot tall Ear short of twice that sum by the l/nited States, and tho pubfiooffices' and the time those great public works an com- j enterprises tinder tbeir control. No one pleted. to whit b the faith of the State is pledg- j knows its extent and strength here in North ed. Now is i possible that as slave jwners | Carolina, whore nearly all thc offices are held we are wilting to ladeni the shoulders of oar J by that party, whether under the General fellow-property holders^ each according to his , orStateGovernment, including the Railroads, full strength, vilh this grievous burrt .n, when '■ q-^e power in their bands is immense; and if wo scarcely ouch it -ourselves wi;h one of j exerted skilfully, is sufficient to bind tho poo ourfingers? Ti ink of the fairness of 4 scheme,, p|0 hand and fool, and make them subservi which taxes everything equally, except one J ent to the will ofthoso who control it. We hundred and eighty or ninety thousand have seen instances of this power exerted to slaves, that it lon't tax at all! Sf long as the ■ suppress investigations and choke down the ■ ††, ■ †, . ,i . I scat of tho evil is in the Constitu ion itself.it i voice of inquiry. We have seen the State's heads and bloody bones wlieroa itn to »B"gni | .g Jdlo be a8S.,,.cai to ta,b of applying legisla- \ prMy sit by and witness this strangling pro-children ! W«»ll|jyrr&,Shive quackery. There :is no reuedy but in cess executed by seven democrats upon 87 another for a debt ot aflUW, is worning ma ( ^ hca|inp. v; .lue 0f ti,;e SOvere.gn people. | other stockholders who were asking tor in-little piece of land to death in the ctlort to pay , Ic[ose j j.ave pa8fi(.d right on in the line J formation—and investigation into alleged lit. A friend shows him unmistakeaoiy in.u | ^ argument to set jlistinct y before you abuses. We have seen the whole democratic ; this co-obligor is concealmg abundant means ,)e ^^ .fls(]e believin!j that j vpa 8ee that press of the Stato suppressing Legislative ; to pay one halfofit, and otters himassi.-. anci | cl^i|y jhure wj|1 * bearv difference of! documents exposing the manner in which ; in the attempt; buf the .stark tool turn i jniwl amon_. y0U) Jjcoept on the part of the Railroads are managed, although repea- \ away from his friend and says. • ->o . never. ^^ ^Q JQO . jnto tji.p ow n p^.^ books tedly called upon to publish thorn. We have I If Hook for any rebel irom thal ^UHrtl?r'; wr their principles. I hav. not stayed to i seen ademocratieofficial ofoneof theseRoads, the Sheriffwill surely come and not only taao | ^.^ ^ wo(.,,.out ar)l] co ltradietary objec- Chas. P. Fisher, backed by this party press, my land but won't leave me even a poor man s , ^^ tQ laxini; slaves, accc ding to value, like ! assailing with bitter personal abuse tho mem-dowry." I other property. Those t bjections, indeed,. hers of a Legislative Committee, and hurling, I would not have you to forget the conclud- f rnn a|| t.hroug i each other and over each oth- j like a Pope, his anathemas against public and ing words of ourplatform—"u-ifApotter fodiSH er^ )ike anaril,y ,„ disgra-etui flight. I must to I criminate only in favor of the native products of utrevery species of property, with tho single our state and the industrial pursuits of our seep.ion of home products, on an equal foot- citizens." There is avowed a blessed policy irivate men. We have seen all these high Wo do not distrust for North Carolina, it wo can get it thorough ly root tion—a policy which, by imparting new vig-or to the arm of home industry, will at once relieve and stimulate the productions of the plough, the loom and the anvil. It is the old Whig doctrine of discrimination in favor i ciple, too, is it that I.AHOR is taxed more than four tunes as high as money at interest? The capitalist has a bond well secured for 81.000 and pays the State thereon ?2 40. The laborer earns 81,000 by the sweat of his face, and the State takes 810 of il—the capitalist has something laid up for a rainy day. The laborer, at the end of the year, finds his little income all gone to feed his wife and children. Tbeir very bread and meat is taxed—I give the Democratic party joy of this admirable contrivance lor the benefit of the laboring classes. Equally oppressive is the tax upon mer-chandise It is imposed upon all pvrcKases, no matter how often made or whether for cash or upon credit. What is the effect of such a nix but to drive out ot the business cntcr-of small means, who have to thc money or credit of their handed, presumptuous, and defiant acts, com-ing from this party to crush out opposition reserve, however, what I have to say of them until I can mest you face to face. I shall not fail then to notice a certain Address issued which has been learn, with espo-diligenct— a document, by the way, ] these/and many like things, in the face of tho which has been applauded by toe Black Re-1 sun, warning tho people to bo on the watch to their will; and wo have seen it manifested in favoritism to its members. It is a disgus-ting spectacle to see a party who have done >"' by E. G. Hay vood & CJ., . " carted about this Distri t, I cial diligence—docj'imei applau'led I publican pres: at the North for its abolition i against tricks, unfairness, and a corruption tendencies. , of the polls—their own bands- reeking with I cannot conclude without invoking your j the poison infused into, and thc violence in- I j. Pool, our caudidato j flicted upon public virture. Verily, if the peo-t- luck with our land, our tidinj for mo to make our , vehicles, 1 their platform; and we know that thei teac our merchandise, and (if Democrats will have ' j„g, of the Southern Democracy are bitterly it «o) with even our household and kitchen ' hostile to the doctrine. We turn now to the answer given by the Democratic party to the question, how should property bo taxed ? I am not sure that I un-derstand our Democratic friends hero. In one respect, indeed, they have not left us to doubt or mistake. They are opposed to any "constitutional amendment affecting the zealous support for M lor Governor—a stam. Ird bearer without fear j p|e close their eyes to these things and suffer and without reproach The banner over him | themselves to be led against themselves, the is EQUAL T*:;ATIOX ! And let come what I day is coming when they will become so en-may, or let fall who may in county skir-i tangled in the moshesof this party net as to in rt-ishes, every man who loves justice should | be forced far beyond their present expecta- :h" i rally to him « ho bei.rs that banner so nobly. ] ti < : be principal items from which Rev- 1 I rived, with the aggregate values r»;-"^urii,puill bycaoU: (Compt'fl Iteport, prising men operate upon friends ? Is it not a device to exalt the wealthy'merchant over his poorer rival ? How much more sensible it would be to lax the capital employed at an ad valorem rate, which this I would place all upon an equality ! This tax is levied, besides, at the rate ot * of 1 per cent, upon purchases of ordinary goods—li per cent, on clothing—5 per cent, on liquor bought in the State and 10 per cent, on foreign liquor. Now, take a ease lor illus-trillion: Suppose a merchant has made this I spring a purchase of 87,000 worth, as follows: ; ftJ.OOOof ordinary goods—500 of clothing— 8500 of liquors—of which one-half has been bought in the State, and the other half out of it. "What tax does he pay? Just 875 on that purchase, or more than 1 per cent. He would pay, did I say ? I should rather have said the «m«lin«rs. It must be so. -No man will submit to such a per cent, on his pur-chases without taking account of it in his sales And when wo consider how this tax reaches out its hundred arms and laslens on all that we eat and drink and wear—how the platter. It is not possible pot-ition plainer. There are some men who can look at no public measure but though a mean personal selfishness. There are others who can sec no truth, though it be as dear as the light of heaven at noon, that makes against their own party creed. To such of either sort, I have not a word to say. To all of nobler mould and more enlarged views, I would urge, what can be juster in a State than the principle ol taxation which we propose? Can any thing be more simple, uniform and equal in its ope-ration ? Suppose our proposition carries, and the Legislature comes to frame a tax bill under it, what will be done so far as the property of our citizens is concerned? After exempting a certain amount for each tax pay-er, nothing will remain but to fix tho rate per cent, which must bo laid on the other prop- | erty in order to raise ihe desired revenue.— What the amount of this exemption should be, is a matter of detail, which must be de-termined upon a full knowledge of tho aver-age condition of our people and tho exigen-cies of the Treasury. Our cause must triumph in the end. To doubt it would bo tc doubt your intelligence. Gov. EHi« has entangled himself in the meshes of his own cunning The Democratic party has scattered itself to She four winds so that vou can't find it ev ;n Hith a search-warrant. Its boasted uu ionality js clean gone. Where, under these circuro.stances, will the honest masses go, bui to t lat well organized band tions. It will be a day of lamentation and mourning. sis upon which revenue is raised, believing it, of patrioUs, whoso platform is Equality at the J'tngcrous and un- tax.hox, the «'oust .tution of the country, tho ■ '. j-'llV^I.. . IS. 1^1 t? A .... .«-. ;. •! » I .f to be" premature, impolitic, da ^ just." They aro opposed to taxing slaves any, otherwise than as persons. This is all very plain. But when they come to tell us what they are for, they are not so clear, and there is a dispute even among themselves.— I have turned their platform over and over, looked at it this way and that way, read it backwards and forwards, and I can make nothing out of it but this: that while they are opposed to disturbing the constitutional basis ot revenue in regard to slaves, they fa-vor, at the same time, the taxation of all other propertv according to value, iftej certainly aim to get as near equality as they can. They say so. Union ol the States and the Enforcement of the Laws? J am, fellow-citiseus, Toarob't serv't, V. C. BARRINUER CONCORD, N. C, June 26 I860. M* that taxation ought to be""so"adjusted as to bear as equally as practicable, within the Iim- Ma'ryVa"^ Georgia, Texas and other States, I1 its ot the Constitution, -*J™**J*n™w Jj tercsts and classes of property. now aa valorem is equality. It bears "as equallj practicable upon all th OKI III H> CITV.-Sale or Lotii.-- On Thursday 23N ol August, 1860. there »ill be , s:lle on a credit, of valuable lots in the cityot More- • l f The proximity of these lot! to the public squares and to the large Ferr.i.e Acad any about to be crcctet). anil towards which sc o*-#180ut) hnsalieauy been subscrib-ed render the li featiOB ve-y desirable lortamilies, who , desire to spend tin BWBBMf at this delightful summer They expressly declare , retreat and wate' og place. Some of the ben business which have adopted the ad valonm saytem, havo fixed on various amounts. But what-ever maj be done in this particular, the ope-ration ot tho system is still uniform and equal. For if a man have not the specific amount of tho exemption, he pays nothing on property, but only on his head. If he have more, he pays on tho excess alone. . interests and classes of property" that it touches—fulfilling the very letter of their requirement. H ben they tell us tney intend to get as near as practica-ble to a particular point, and there be an ex-lots will likewise be sold. The repidity v.h which thit City is improving, ana the prospect of a Meekly line of steamers between this nlace and New York, shoild induce purchasers to luvwt. J- M MOREHEAD. President Shepard's Point Land Co Register, Stanf ird Age, Raleigh: Observer, Fayette-ville : Herald. w i mington : Sinston Advocate, Oolils-boro Tribune, Washington Dispatch, Salisbury Watch man, l.edell Ei-preas, Charlotte Bulletin, Aaheville Advocate and Bmufort Joiirnal, will plea«e copy week-ly until the day ot sale, a|.d forward accounts to the eelleut highway right to it, of course they | Patriot office for collection. you are no gentleman, whereupon G»r. EHU made at him, with his right hand extended, wbich Mr. Fool caught with his left hand and drew back his right hand to strike when a gentleman caught Mr. Pool's right arm and prevented tho bl iw—Mr. Pool being at ihe time ctanding at the judge's *oat. mid Gov. Kilis standing below at t io clerk's desk, with the judge's bench, < three feet high) between —when friends interposed and Mr. Fool went un with his remarks and repeated the same thing in th* same language as before, and said that Governor Ellis's eonduct was unbe-comiug the Governor of the State of North Carolina. That if he felt sgrlei ed at any re-mark of his, this was not tho place or tho lime or the manner to adjust such diniculiiee. That Governor Ellis knew who ho was and that be was responsible to him or any other gentle* man for any offence and was ready to settle such matters nt any time and in any way.— That the Governor had not chosen the usual mode recognized by gentleman to settle such matters. Mr. Pool remarked thai he did not wish his friends to become excited or take any Eart in the matter; that he could settle i: iraself. Gov. Ellis said Mr. Fool's remark to his friends was gratutions, and that he was Governor of the Siato aud could uot fight.— Mi. Fool replied that tho law forbid every bo-dy from fighting, and tho matter closed. JOHN McLALN, WILLIAM PATTON. A. MILLER. A. H.JONES, A.JMrBKVER, . T.W.TAYLOR, L.S. GASH, li. D. LEE. P.C.BVERS, SAM'L C. BRYSON, S. P. BRITTAIN, J.Y. BRYSON, Mendersonville, July 2.18«0. From the Favetteville Obwtei. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS. The reader will find below a very plain aad truthful discussion of the ad valorem ques-tion. Of its merits the reader will judge for hmself; and we think it will ensure his read-ing of it to inform him that it is so highly ap-preciated that 30,000 copies of it wero printed at this office some days ago—a larger number, we suppose, than was ever printed of any oth-er pamphlet in North Carolina. ——— Ad Valorem Explained by Questions and Answers. Q. What is the Dan or Noam CAROLINA? A. The Slate owes 8* millions on bonds already issued. It will soon owe over 18$ millions on liabilities already incurred. The ordinaryexpenses of the government are on an average over 8100,000 yearly. It is cer-tain the TAXES MCBT SOON BE RAISED to at least f*O0,0O0 to WOO.OOd annually, *-l. Can this amount be equitably raised nn- ' der the Democratic system of taxation? A. No. All kinds oi property except slaves, household and kitchen furniture, horses, cat* tie, hogs, &c., arc already taxed as high as they can bear. Slave* bower aro but lightly taxed. O. What! SLAVES LIOUTLI TAXRP? HOW do you brove that? A. Why by the Comptroller's last Report, 8203,000,000 ofslave property paid only • 118,- 330, while 898,000,000 ol land paid 8101,980. While land paid 20 cts. on 8100 value, slaves paid f>; cts. Whiloslaves paid one dollar, land paid three dollars andnfiy cents. il. Do I understand you to say land pays near FOUR TIMKS as much as slaves ? A. Tea, land worth S1500pays88. A slave mechanic worth 81609 would be taxed 80 cts. If the slave is over f»0 ycar« or under 14, us WOULD PAY NOTBINU. y. Why does not the Legislature tax slaves higher ? A. Because tho Constitution forbids the taxation ol slaves under 12 yours old and over :»0. Slaves between 12 and fiO can only be laxod as high as white men between 21 and 45. Q. What is the number of slaves in the State ? A. In 1850 there were 28*,.rHf 8 ; if they In-creased between 1*5" and I860 as they in* creased between 1840 and 1850 '1 7.38 per et.) there must now bo 338.54a—at 8»>00 each worth *203,000,0O0. <(. What are the number and value of slava polls, i e. those between 12 and 50. A. The Comptroller's Report has tho num-ber 147,913, but omits thos*> of Edgecombe; add on these and we have uot less than 152,- 000—worth st least 8130.000,000. These one hundred and thirty millions pay only 8118,- 330, while 898,000,000 of land pays 8191,980 (j. What are the number aud value ofthose slaves which cannot be ta>ed at all by the Legislature? V There must he 186,000, worth say $78,- 000,000. These seventy-thror, millions can't be taxed at all, even iflbe SuiL»> should be in-volved in an expensive war. i^ But why not raise the tax on slave* be-tween 12 and 50, s.» as to make up lor this loss? A. Because thc Constitution dors not allow that to be done without raising ihe tax on tbe white man. White men are ob'.iged to leav their business to serve as jurors, as witnesses, to fight our buttles and tor other public da-ties. Tbe poll tax is high enough already, perhaps too high. ij But possibly slave* pay enough for COUNTY TAXES to makeup this "inequality. A. No. Land is tared foi county purposes —so are white mon. In Waki -ounty, land worth a litilo over 83,000,005 pays to County nod State 813,011, while sl'.ves worth over 80,000,000 pay only 87.474. Land la Wako pays 43 rents on the 5100, slave* 11 cents. A negro fell.w worth $150f") pay. 8153; land worth 815J0 paysSG 45 cent*; OVB FoCa Tiasa As ML ill! L2 Land pays four times as much as slaves I but then, slaves get sick and die ; does land gel sick and die? A. Yes; land gets overflowed, wears out. ii attacked with drought, with worms and rust. Houses and turpentine trees and lea-ces are burnt. If land is not physicked with manure it soon dies. Q. But young slaves can't work, don't pro-duce anything :ought they be taxed ? A. Why net? There wore in the State in 185". 5.45S;975 acres of land improved, and 15.543.008 acres unimproved. In Wake, 161,* 091 improved, ami i»52.17* unimproved; yet «a» Dffiuclty Between Messrs- Pool and E'di-. Tho Raleigh liegister publishes the follow-ing card in exp'analioti of a difficulty which occuredut Hendersonville between Messrs. Pool and Ellis : We were present at the discussion at Hen-dersonville on this day, between Gov Ellis and Mr. Pool, in which a personal difficulty oceured; to proven: misrepresentation of the circumstances, we deem it a duty to the pub-lic to make a brief statement of the facts. Mr. Pool in hisopening speech stated, that it had been reported that he was in favor of faxtny tverthing,tin cupi, &c. That his competitor did not suy so himself, but only argued s«, from the platform of Mr. Pod's party and Mr. Pool went on to remark, lhat anybody who charged him with being in favor or of advo eating this thing, told a lie and he authori-zed every person present to hay that ho said so. Governor Ellis, when he came to reply to this part of Mr. Pool's address, charged Mr. Pool with using such language as he would not have used in a rich man's parlor. Mr. Pool, in his rejoinder to this remark, said he did not know any other language which should be used, when such a charge was made. aad he would not hesitate to uso such Ian guage in a rich man's parlor or any where elne if it became necessary. Governor Ellis arose from his seat in an excited and menacing manner and said Mr. Pool wan using language unbecoming a gentleman. Mr. Pool replied j all the unimproved land is laved 20 cents
Object Description
Title | The Greensborough patriot [July 20, 1860] |
Date | 1860-07-20 |
Editor(s) |
Sherwood, M.S. Long, James A. |
Subject headings | Greensboro (N.C.)--Newspapers |
Place | Greensboro (N.C.) |
Description | The July 20, 1860, issue of The Greensborough Patriot, a newspaper published in Greensboro, N.C., by M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long. |
Type | Text |
Original format | Greensborough [i.e. Greensboro], N.C. : Newspapers |
Original publisher | M.S. Sherwood & James A. Long |
Language | eng |
Contributing institution | UNCG University Libraries |
Newspaper name | The Greensborough Patriot |
Rights statement | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/ |
Additional rights information | NO COPYRIGHT - UNITED STATES. This item has been determined to be free of copyright restrictions in the United States. The user is responsible for determining actual copyright status for any reuse of the material. |
Object ID | 1860-07-20 |
Digital publisher | The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, University Libraries, PO Box 26170, Greensboro NC 27402-6170, 336.334.5304 |
Digitized by | Creekside Digital |
Sponsor | Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation |
OCLC number | 871561949 |
Page/Item Description
Title | Page 1 |
Full text |
Q,b f&xttm\
By SHEBWOOD & LONG.
J i' ■■
a jFamilp Ketospaper—BtboteU to literature, 0griciaturr, Jttanufactures, 4tominercr, ano Jttisccltenrous fccafcrng. TERMS—12.00 IN ADVANCE
VOL. XXII. GREENSBOROTJGH, 1ST. C, JULY :20, I860. >TO. 1096,
TV Lucnsborouah Ir atrioi.
... .* »!•. JAMS A. LOHO.
SHl'HWOOD & LONG,
ED1TOB8 AND PROPRIETORS.
ftB,lS: *s».UO A YEAR, IS! ADVAXCE.
HUS llF ADVERTISING IN THE PATRIOT.
, ■•, per st^uare for the first week, and twenty-
...; rv |