The Greensborough patriot [May 18, 1860]

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VOXr. XXII. GEEENSBOEOTjaH, 1ST. C, MAY 18, I860. NO. 108T.
The CreensWoiijjH Patriot.
...*w...l>. JAMES A. LO.NQ.
jjjlEKWOOD & LONG,
EPIIOBS AND PROPRIETORS.
rER^i*: fi.OO A YEAR, IX ADVANCE.
tATIN OF ADYERTISIXG1S THE PATRIOT.
.> I '■'• I""r s1uare for 'he first week, and twenty-
.: -.very week thereafter. TWELVE LINES OH
. : U-..1? a square Deductions made in favor of
"/:r.*l-T as follows:
3 .MONTHS. 6 MONTHS. 1 TEAK
.. *e, $3 50 $5 60 $8 00
700 1000 1400
; .. 10 00 15 00 20 00
r'r''ai the American Advocate.
Thff Candidates at Newbern.
Saving been present at the discussions be-
. . Messrs Pool and Ellis, the candidates
, senior, at Goldsboro', Newbern and
«e publish an account of them, the first
:. ::.L- Raleigh Register and the other from
;9taken by us. The subjects embraced
:, discussion as well as the line of argu-
• • rsued, were nearly the same at each
We here give some points in Mr.
I'g speech at the latter places not em-
. in the Goldsboro account.
; i. Its opened the discussion and as he
• ;ary the position taken in Goldsbo-ihed
in this issue, and heretofore
jbed as taken at their places, wo deem
• -sary to repeat them.
Pool commented his reply by saying
'competitor bad just said that be
. - uss this ad valorem issue princi-sthe
nominee of the Charleston Con-
..:is not in the field, lie said if his
titor continued to discuss that qucs-v
until the Charleston Convention
andidate in the field, ho thought he
lid continue to do so until the day of the
•i He said the Democratic party was
' to be the "only party" capable of
he Union—that they had had a dis-
Lhe Cnion among themselves and
: a party had so divided up was a poor
i to save the Union of the States—
at the Inion-loving conservative people
•.» country must unite and form a party
save and protect the Constitution and the
oion of the States—that his competitor
1 the South had a party and that the
rih had a party. It is now time for our
atry to have a party; and a convention
rvativo men will soon meet in Balti-
.'ind present to the American people a
late upon whom wo can all safely re-
■ ar the banner of the stars and stripes
i this motto inscribed upon its folds:
Constitution, the Union, and the Exe-
: the Law."
Mr. 1'. then proceeded to discuss the ques-rery
much in the same manner as no is
orted to have done in to-day's issue.—
•. ire propose to notice only some of the
. - made by him at. this place and not
1 fi> in the published report of the
,:.•' discussion.
POLL TAX.
P. said IK- had been represented as
uiichewas in lavor of taking the poll
bite men. Ho had never said he
favoroforagnint it. He said that he
. _c n° proposition to take it off.
• r »a matter that ought to be left with
• !, <>f the Legislature. At pres-slature
has no power to take the
.? :1 white men without also taking
i tax off slave property. Ho and
"_. vere now proposing so to amend
- Lulion as to disconnect the tax on
polls from the tax on slave property ;
that way place it in the power of the
1" relieve white men from the
;.i whenever it may bo deemed expe-
'.■ BO. The only proposition that
.- - to give the legislature the power
nflticlthe wiil of the people on this sub-
SSNATE UASIS.
»' »sM a convention on the federal
lid represent the same sentiment
Merest as the House of Comjtons, which
' I on that basis—that this matter of
' ' *he basis had repeatedly been be-the
House of Commons and had never
i anything approaching a respectable
—that the interest represented in the
'■ Commons and which would bo rop-
. '.:i a convention on the Senate ba-it
would therefore be impossible in
a convention to mako any change of
•; but the Western people favor no
•••—indeed they express themselves
I to it, and my competitor has no
■ • '■ r representing in the East that a
■» 'a contemplation in any section of
'ate. I have received letters within the
tew days from many of tho most promi-
Western gentlemen assnring me that
•; rpose is contemplated, and reques-
:-- *• defend tho West from such a
'•• The district convention whicn as-
• • :: • •reensboro' on the 24th of April,
^h^ard that my competitor was mak-
1''. urge in the East against the Wes-
■: unanimously adopted the following
■ V- /. That should a convention of the
be called we are in favor of tho pres-
• - ■ t* Representation in the Senate re-
•."■ t i s it is, and that we will not fa-loy
change of our organic law in this
'.—and that wo understand such to
• sentiment of the West."
extreme Western papers and speakers
•; . "'"trip arc taking the same ground, in
' ■'■ which 1 call attention to the follow-in
the Ashville Advocate'.
"" '•• mid call the attention of our Bas-il
Uto a remark of Col. Gaither'sin his
■' for©our County Convention. He
loubt it would be used against Mr.
'• the Bast, that it the West got a Con-
"*• the Constitution, would bo torn to
•'••' West simply asked that tho
[tion be so assembled that slaves may
'cr*according to value. She would be
■'•'- with that amendment. And this
• ■■.-.. tr, ho the view of all thinkrng men
h» there! :. apparent that this scare-
J'V competitor's manufacture has
' ''_• *• •** and .;,at he has not truly rep-
■† 1 the sentiments of the Western peo-
' •' •-•.. iio undertakes to speak.
, KAI1.K0ADS.
-»•'.. my competitor has comparsd
"•"Wit paid into the treasury by this dis- L
trict with the amount paid by the 8th Con-gressional
district and has been comparing
the amount paid by each county in which we
have spoken with the amonnt paid by Burke
county and has based upon these data an ap-peal
to Eastern men against Equal Taxation
upon the ground that the East has contribu-ted
largely to Western Railroads, and that
tho West is already largely indebted to them.
Such is not the fact. The East is rather in-debted
to the West for a large proportion of
the Railroads of the State. I have had an in-vestigation
made of this subject which I be-lieve
to bo accurate, and 1 do not believe that
ray competitor or any one else will deny its
accuracy. Of tho 684 miles of railroads com-pleted
in the State 480 miles are East of Ral-eigh
and only 204 miles West of Raleigh.—
The East has more than twice as much rail-road
as the West, and two dollars have been
expended for Eastern Railroads where one
has beeu expended for western roads. If
this then, is a question ofsectional indebted-ness
we of tho East are already largely indeb-ted
to our connection to which I desire to
call to the attention of slave owners. Rail-roads
are especially for their benefit, for by
increasing the facility of getting the products
of slave labor to market they increase the
value of that labor and add largely to the
profits of slave, property. The railroads of
the State run through many of the largest
slave holding Counties, and three fifths of the
whole slave population of the State is in those
counties through which three Railroads run,
to say nothing of the adjoining counties
which are also benefited by them.
[Tho black polls of the Counties traversed
by Railroads sum up as follows:
Ral. AGastonR. R 23.364
Wil. &WeldomB. R 16.683
N. Car R. R 16.173
A. & N. C, R. R 7.921
West- N. C. R. R 6.120
Wil. ft. Charlotte R. R 16.877
86.038
Showing three fifths of tho black polls in
the State in tho counties through which these
Railroads run] If we shouid count also the
counties adjoining these, any reason then,
why slave property should not contribute
its equal proportion to the building of these
roads ? But even Railroads in tho West,
while furnishing facilities forgetting to mar-ket,
are of equal benefit^to the East by furn-ishing
freights to our roads, and pouring in-to
the lap of our Eastern parts tho rich pro-ducts
of the fertlo lands of the West. (Ap-plause.)
I said in Currituck and elsewhere,
and I say here to day that 1 am in favor of
runing tho Western Extension to the Ten-nessee
lino at tho earliest practicable time.—
[Gov. Ellis says that he is also in favor of
this.] I voted for it in tho last Legislature,
worked for it and talkod for it, and intend
to continue to do all I can to accomplish it
whether in tho East or West, whether in tho
legislature or out of it, or whether elected
Governor or not elected Governor. It is no
question of East and West; it is a question
involving the interest, the prosperity and
the glory of my nativo State. [Tremendous
applause.] South Carolina and Virginia have
had the credit and the benefits of the products
of North Carolina. This should be permit-ted
no longer, North Carolina should bo uni-ted
in interest and feeling as it is in the glo-ry
arising from the memory of the past. I
deprecate such sectional appeals as I have
heard here to day. Wo are one people—
wo have a common interest in the deeds
and lame of our revolutionary fathers-a com-mon
reverence for their memory, a common
pride in the battle fields of liberty. We are
linked together by the glories of the past,
and by the hopes of the future, let us also be j
linked by the interests of the present. I am
an Eastern man and am speaking to Eastern
man and I tell them that if I am elected
Governor 1 shall bo no Governor of the East,
no Governor of the West, but a Governor of
>". Carolina. [Applause].
I was born in the East and reared in tho
East and I cherish the associations of my
early days. lam attached to her plains and
her sea coast—to tho sluggish streams that
wind by tho place of my humble birth and
washes the play ground of my childhood—to
tho broad river whoso swelling tides pass by
the scenes of the labors of my mature man-hood.
But whiL I cherish these, I thank my
Creator that I have a heart large enough to
desire the prosperity of every portion of my
native State. [Continued applause.] I give
no ear to sectional appeals—I acknowledge
no sections in the good old North State, but
shall continue to labor for the prosperity of
every portion of it from the mountains to
the seaboard.
The speech of Mr. P. was frequently inter-rupted
by enthusiastic demonstrations of ap-plause.
It was truly one of close, logical ar-gument
and thorough investigation. His
reputation as a debater was well sustained,
and his friends were buoyant, cheerful—jubi-lant
at the bril'iant success their gallant
standard-bearer had achieved. The force
and evident effect with which ho pres&ed the
policy and duty of tho P'astern people and
tho slave owners in sustaining the great prin-ciple
of Constitutional Equality won for him
tho confidence and the admiration, not only
of his own party, but also of many who have
been decidedly opposed to him in politics.—
This effect has sent an electric thr 11 of joy
and onth'jsiasm to the hearts of his friends
that will cause them to work for tho success
of tho cause, No Whig candidate has left
Craven County with more ardent admirers
than John Pool. If our friends throughout
tho State give as good an accountof them-s
lves in August as Craven County, tho good
old State is irreversibly "redeemed, disen-thralled
and regenerated."
Sic Transit.—The Democracy have as-sumed
to be the only party who can settle
tho disorders of the country—and yet, at
eharlestonJthey are unable to settleltheir own
disorders! They have professed to be able to
Bavo 4the Confederacy from dissolution—but
their Convention has been unable to preserve
itselffrom disruptiou ! The country will need
no other evidence that Democracy cannot ac-complish
what it promises. The physician in
the agonies of dissolution will not be called on
to minister to the ailments of others. Tho
fate deplored by the Apostle has befallen the
Democracy—while striving for the salvation
of tho counlr} (!) they have themselves be-come
castaways.— Whig
. — ^ m m
Then wo inquired of a friend a few days
since, what business ho now followed, he
replied "Dentistry—the insertion of teeth
in roast beef, and bread and butter."
From the People's Press.
AD VALOREM.
Jfcfr. Editor: That the subject of ad valorem,
which meanp according to value, may be fully
understood by all your readers, we have ta-ken
some pains to collect sach facts and fig-ures,
from authentic sources, as cannot be
controverted, and which will satisfy *very
reasonable mind that our present Revenue
Law should bo subjected to a thorough and
radical reform.
We hold that property of every descrip-tion,
receiving equal protection from our gov-ernment,
should contribute with the persons
protected, its equal proportion in the support
of the government.
According to the last Tax Report laid be-fore
the General Assembly, under the Reve-nue
Bill of 1856-'57, 26 133,063 acres of land
were returnod as listed at $86,075,771. This
sum, added to the valuation of town proper-ty,
gives a total of $97,842,481; and this paid
into tho State Treasury the sum of $146,150
as Taxes.
The number of Black polls given in was 150,-
925; but according to our last Census, in
1850, there were 164,000 taxable black polls
returned. And if our slave population has
increased in the same ratio since 1850, that it
did during the ten years previous thereto,
the total number of slaves in the State, at
this time would be 338,548. This would
leave 187,613 slaves untaxed, worth, at a low
estimate, $112,567,800, making the aggregate
valuation of the slave property in the State,
$248,567,800. This amount of property paid
into the State Treasury the pitiful sum of
$75 462, about half tho amount paid by$97,-
842,481 worth of real estate. Is there any
reason why such a discrimination should be
made between these two species of property ?
In our opinion, there is no just and good rea-son
for much inequality; and we sincerely
hope that your readers will well consider those
figures, and give a just and true return at tho
ballot-box next August:
Again : The money loaned out on interest
was returned at $31,989,000. This paid a
tax into our State Treasury of $76,774,—one
thousand three hundred and twelve dollars
more than $248,567,800 worth of slave prop-erty
! We again appeal to our readers to
say, if there is any just cause why $1,000 in
money, at interest, (on which vou dare ask
only 6 per cent,) should pay $2 40 for tho
protection it enjoys, while 81,000 in slave
!>roperty pays but 50 cents, and $1,000 in
and pays II50 !
In 1850, according to the last Census, there I
was in North Carolina more than 89,000,000
ofannual production, arising from manufac-tures
and the mechanic arts, at a profit of
34 per cent, equal to 83,000,000. Why this
is exempt from paying taxes, we cannot tell.
So it appears that the owners of all manu-facturing
establishments, who employ a large
number of hands, and who evidently make
profits can pocket these profits quite unmo-lestedly,
while tho merchant who invests his
money in goods, is compelled to pay a tax for
every 8100 worth of Goods be purchases.—
The tax paid by merchants was $37,881.—
This, we say, is paid by merchants; but rest
assured that the consumer will in the end
pay this tax I Of this merchant's tax ; deal-ers
in ready-made clothing paid one per cent,
on their purchases, or $10 tax for every 81,-
000 worth of goods bought.
Again ; $1,952,400 worth of carriages, bug-gies,
and other vehicles, pay a tax of one
per cent on their assessed value, equal to
819,524, a sum greater than was paid on $11,-
766.710 of town property !
Under the late tax bill, the foreman in a
workshop who receives $500 wages, paid, be-sides
his poll tax, 85 to the Sheriff; while his
neighbor owning 10 slave mechanics at work
in tho same shop, for whoso labor he draws
yearly 82,500 or more, as wages, paid to tho
Sheriff only $5, and his poll tax !! Tho over-seer
on a plantation, with twenty hands un-der
him, who make for their master one hun-dred
bags of cotton, worth 85,000, paid a tax
of 86 on his salar}* of $600; while the mas-terjfor
that which produced him 85,000 worth
of cotton, paid only 810. In other words, I
$600 salary pays a tax of $6, and twenty ne-groea,
worth allow estimate, from $30,000 j
to 835,000 paid 810.
To more clearly explain what wo moan,
we will arrange the rates, as above exempli-fied,
as follows:
$1,000 worth of land
$1,000 worth of slaves
$1,000 in money loaned
$1,000 of dividend and profit
$1,000 in labor and industry
$1,000 in clothing purchased
$1,000 worth goods bought
$1,000 worth liquors
$1,000 capital in buying slaves 3 33
$1,000 of capital in other trade, 2 00
$1,000 of capital in buggies, carriages, &c, 10 00
$1,000 of capital in pianos - 7 00
Such are some of the glaring inequalities of
our existing revenue system, and we ask ev-ery
candid reader, to say, if it can be don-fendod
1 Tho facts and figures are all taken
from the address of the Wake County Associa-tion
of Working Men, to the people of North
Carolina, and are reliable. The most violent
party politician must acknowledge that there
certainly is an unjust and oppressive discrim-ination,
which no one with anya how of con-sistency
can justify before an enlighted com-munity.
Being then satisfactorily convinced that a
thorough and radical reform in the revenue
system of the State is loudly and urgently
called for at this particular time, as well by
tho individual interest of every taxpayer, as
by that future progress and prosperity we
hope to soe our State mako and enjoy, wo call
upon all to rail)- to tho support of that party
which has adopted this principle in its plat-form,
that by a united effort we may accom-plish
that which will benefit the entire State.
Honestly and fairly canvassed, as we trust
the subject will be, we cheerfully abide the de-cision
of an intelligent and conservative peo-ple.
All that is necessary is to give the mat-ter
a few moment's calm and unprejudiced
consideration. For we sincerely believe that
the attention of those directly interested be-ing
once seriously directed to the great im-portance
of a change in our revenue system,
the people will never bo satisfied until the ob-ject
sought to be accomplished, is attained.
STOKES.
A* it was in 1848.
The last triumph of Conservatism if this
country was when, in 1848, Democracy came
in collision with itself, and each fragment
presented as its representative a candidate
for the Presidency. Satisfied that a party
which could not govern itself could not gov-ern
the cou n try, the conservative sentiment of
the people turned instinctively to honest* old
Zach. Taylor, and accorded to him a confi-dence
that it withdrew from scrambling po-liticals
and belligerent factions. What we
wit nosed then, we are about, as we trust and
believe, to witness again. Democracy is at
war with itself. Rent by feuds: exasperated
by bitter recriminations, banded under rival
leaders, for action as it is as powerless for ac-tion
as it is unworthy of confidence. If the
condition of the country in 1848 called for
abandonment of the Democratic party, its
condition now demands it by considerations
infinitely more imperative. And we doubt
not that the same patriotic and sagacious in-stinct
which then led the conservative senti-ment
to gather around and to bear up into
the Presidential office a man whorthy of the
post will again manifestitselfby nowcalling to
the helm of state some one suited to the posi-tion.
The responsibilties ofthe Convention at
Baltimore, momentous as they were already,
are vastly enhanced by the transaction. They
havo but to designate a suitable candidate to
secure a spontaneous uprising of the people in
support. At present, there seems no doubt
that the contest will be between the nominees
of Baltimore and Chicago, and the issue will
be between Nationalism and Sectionalism.—
Let the Baltimore nomineo be a man who
stands fully and erectly upon the Constitution
whoso sympathies are as broad as the Con-federacy,
and whose devotion to the Union is
above suspicion, and the conservative senti-ment
is mighty enough now as it was twelve
years ago, to elevate him Jto the Presidency
by an irresistible and triumphant majority.
Richmond Whig.
■■■ » ■
Methodist Episcopal Church South-
Tho following are the figures of Dr. Sum-mers
in regard to the membership of the
Methodist Episcopal Church South, for 1559:
Total min-
Conferences. Traveling Local isters and
Preachers. Preachers. members
Kentucky 84 231 24,101
Louisville -89 242 27,180
Missouri, 89 153 20,539
St. Louis -100 234 24,770
Kansas Mission, 25 13 1,091
Tennessee 183 388 _. 45.917
Holston 118 419 51,165
Memphi 143 396 41,457
Mississippi 127 179 33,824
Louisiana 88 108 15,727
Virginia, 181 216 „48,«49
Western Virginia 60 79 11,347
North Carol.na 113 188 34,961
South Carolina 161 230 -.87,276
Georgia 200 577 ...78,659
Alabama 204 633 72,162
Florida. 82 139 17,646
Rio Grande Mission;.. 28 23 1,181
Texas 113 175 16,902
East Texas 84 218 18.584
Arkansas, 60 178 15,127
Wackita 69 163 18,710
Indian Mission 33 57 4,392
Pacific -64 44 2,949
Bishops, 6 —— 6
Totalinl859 2,494 6,177 721,023
Total in 1868 B.420 4,984 696,171
Net increase, 74 193 24,862
The total of whito members is 438,435; of
white probationers, 83,165—colored members
163,206; colored probationers, 34,142—total,
197,348; Indian members and probationers,
4,236. The total of supernumerary preach-ers
is 167; total of traveling, local and super-numerary
preachers, 7838.
■ » m —
I presume you don't charge auything for
remembering me, said a one-leggod sailor to
a cork-leg manufacturer.
$1 50
0 60
2 40
2 40
10 00
10 Oo
3 33
55 00
A young man in conversation one evening,
chanced to remark, 'I am no prophet' True
replied a lady present, no profit to yourself or
any body else."
■†i m
"These jokes are too pointed," as the school-master
said when he found a bent pin in his
chair I
For the Patriot.
To the Freemen of North Carolina.
The liill of Rights which is tho foundation
of our State Government, declares that a fre-quent
recurrence to fundamental ptinciples
is absolutely necessary to preserve the bless-ings
of liberty.
The great principle at the root of our sys-tem
is representation and taxation These
must go hand in hand, so that individual and
popular sovereignty may be fairly expressed
at tho ballot-box, and tho persons and prop-erty
of tho citizens of North Carolina, ade-quately
and fully protected against unequal
and unjust taxation.
This can be done in two ways only. By a
direct representation of persons on the one
hand and property on the other, or by a pro-vision
of the Constitution. The former meth-od
was adopted by our fathers whon they
formed the Constitution of 1776. They crea-ted
two Branches of the General Assembly.
In the Senate, property or land was repre-sented,
and persons in tho House of Com-mons,
so that tho Legislature, having the en-tire
control of the subjects of taxation, could
prevent the imposition of unequal burdens
upon one portion of the people for the bene-fit
of another.
This system of Government continued for
60 years, when, in the year 1835, the people
of North Carolina called a Convention to re-vise
and amend tho Constitution. The main
purpose, and indeed the only object of that
Convention was to re-apportion and equalize
the representation of the people in General
Assembly as to porsons and property, or tax
(the former representation, by counties, hav-ing
become grossly unequal and unjust.)—
The Convention apportioned the represen-tation
according to population and taxation,
as far as practicable, and had they stopped
there, we should have little cause to complain
of their paocoedings. They undertook, or
assumed to themselves, the power and right
to strike down, by one fell swoop, that great,
eternal and fundamental principle of popular
sovereignty. That all political power is vest-ed
in and derived from the people only, that
is, vested in and derived from a majority of
the people.
Tbey say, (Art. 4th Sec. 1,) no Convention
of the people shall be called unless two-thirds
of all the members of the General Assembly
shall vote :'or it.
Clause 2nd. No part of the Constitution
shall be altered, unless by Bill in tho General
Assembly iread three times, and voted for
by three-fiiths of all the members in each
House. It shall then be published 6 months.
At the next Gener.-.l Assembly, it shall be
read 3 times on 3 several days, and voted for
by two-thirds of all the members in each
House. It shall then be submitted to a vote
of the people, and if a majority of the voters
approve th jreof, it shall be a part of the Con-stitution.
Section 3rd. Capitation tax shall be equal
throughout the State upon all individuals,
white or bltck, subject to the same—that is,
free males . rom 21 to 45, and all slaves from
12 years to 50.
It is pretinded that the Convention of 35
was a limited body. If BO, who limited it?
Not the General Assembly, because the peo-ple
and the Constitution are thier master—
Could the people with their inherent, vested
and absolut) rights limit themselves or sur-render
any portion of their power? No!
because they are politically omnipotent, and
unless they set up a king to tyranize ovor
them, deny them justice, trample upon their
rihts and make slaves of them, there is no
authority it this broad empire to which they
are accountable.
Genuine democracy presumes that a ma-jority
of tin people, is at the head of Gov-ernment—
t.iat a Constitution made by that
majority in Convention assembled, is the
law-paramoant—the Supreme law. Tho Con-stitution
so made, is the sun ofour system—
the great centre of life and light communi-cated
to, am'! reflected from the Legislative
Judicial aui.Executive branch of tho Govern-ment.
Whj' then was tho power taken from
the people, f.nd give to tho General Assem-bly,
an inferior body, and the creature of the
Constitution? Are the people not to be
trusted and : permitted to select the ablest
and best neb of the State to review, and
remake thei'1 organic law in the sattest and
best way? jAro they to have no rampart or
wall of defeijce against abuses of power by
the General ^Assembly, the Governor and the
Judges ? Above all are they to bo virtually
told that thi'y never shall have another Con-vention,
to ifiake, alter or amend a Constitu-tion
for themselves ? Since tho Convention
of 1835 the freehold qualification has boon
taken away from voters for tho Senate, and
land is not jiow represented in our State
Legislature." Tho General Assembly can,
whenever tbgjr think proper, impose upon it
heavier burdens—indeed they can at any
time, make flhe farmers of North Carolina
pay all the Sguces, and the poor landholder
has no mearj*s of defence.
When thitj land qualication was expunged,
why was no j the protection of slaves against
taxation a i.o expunged ? Are not slaves
just as safe \n tho hands of the poople aa
land ? If thb Constitution of 35 did right in
putting the 8 principle to the Constitution
for the benefit of slaveholders, was it not
right that lajid should be represented ? This
indirect anc inconsistent modo of Constitu-tion-
making and law-making, an honest
people can ohly pity and despise. The sim-ple
theory of our Government is that ovcry
man is free n id equal—that every man, shall
not only vot;:, but hold office and receive his
equal share ;*>f the public money. Under
our Free Sulj'rago Constitution, every man
votes for Senators and membors of the House
of Common?! They voto too for Governor
and Sheriff, Hut can they hold any of these
Offices? No sir, a majority of the people of
North Caro !na are forever excluded from
all the real j>riviliges and powers of this Gov-ernment.
'Vou and your sons and your
grandsons iaay go to tho Governors' Palaco
in Raleigh. Mr. Holdcn is on a visit to tho
Governor. His excellency presents this
member of ttye second family in North Car-olina
to the standard man. Mr. Backwoods
left mo presekit, you to the great expositor
of truth, and' democratic principles in our
State.
Mr. Ellis .s all smiles and politeness. He
meets you at tho door and his Excellency in-vites
you into his parlor, all covered with
Brussels caipetiug, and studded with otto-mans'
settees and cano-bottomed chairs,—
chandeliers, portraits and mirrors ornament
tho walls. Vou are bidden to partako of old
peach, cognnc, champaign, applejack and
genuine bald face whiskey. After you have
swilled and partaken liberally of this, give
an entertainment, wool-hat, brogans and
homespon retire, feeling greatly flattered
and very comfortable, because bis royal
highness condescended to notico a plain clod
hopper, wh> lived on a piece of rented land
that belong! to some body also.
j ELLIS TO H(>1.DEN.
"These Lllows must be kept in a good
humor by ai little bypocracy and deceit.—
The best of-it is—it don't cost much. We
must fill their stomachs with mean liquor
—that is % small compensation for their
votes. Thi'i is all they can give ns. They
can hold no office—wo the aristocrats of the
party get tl?e spoils and wo can very well af-ford,
now a'-.d then to throw them a crust
and bono fr jra the public crib to keep them
quiet. Poor devils they think they are free
and equal With the balance of their fellow-deciples
of cternocracy of some grade. 'Tis a
wonder tbaj. men, who have common scense
should be so over reached, but we have man-aged
them very well. 'Tis true, tho Consti-tution
says every man—in the Southern coun-ty,
we mean white men—is free and equal, but
we haven't whito men enough to elect a
President to give the leaders of our party,
all the fat offices. Wo must have Blaek Re-publican
votes I "How shall me get them '!
We must have a man on our ticket, who can
carry a few of the mother States. The public
lands—Squatter Sovoignty—the homestead
Bill and a few humbugs of that sort, will en-able
us to buy up votes enough to answer
our purpose. The foreigners who come to
the country, can easily turn the scale. A
over the freeholders. True, the freeholders
furnish all tho Governors, members of the
General Assembly, Sherriff, Jurors and
nearly all the ports and offices that aro
worth any thing—that appeal to tho ambi-tion
cupidity of men. If the farmers and
landholders complain, wo have only to
threaten them. If you make a fuss about it,
we will repoal the tax on white polls, and
mako your lands pay all tho State as well
as county taxes. In this way we can shut
their mouths, and compel them to go with
UB. In addition to this wo havo tho negro
Suffrage principle as well as the anti-negro
taxation principle*, and our glorious Consti-tution.
This will enable us to get all
the slavehold, and slave vote of the Kast, and
many if not the whole slaveholders, vote of
the West. Thus we shall command a tri-umphant
majority. Tho people have forgot-ten
that negroes were not represented for
two years under the old Constitution they
were taxed by the GeneralTAssembly, as
they thought just and right.
The power was never abused. There was
a law passed during that time, improperly
affecting the rights and interestsjof the slave-owners.
This is nothing now. We have got
up tho slavery agitation—we have made
ourselves as a party and for tho purpose of
party aggrandizement, the great champions
of slavery in the South although I verily be-lieveiwe
have as many abolitionists among us,
as any other party South. Nevertheless, we
wil! sound the alarm. We will array the
East against the West, wo will rouse the
sectionalism of former days, to secure our
success, let the consequences be what they
may. Equal representation and equal taxa-tion,
is the true doctrine; it was democrat-ic
doctrine once, but it is not democratic now.
Success and the spoils is our motto. Tnloss
we can bamboozle the people, we are lost.—
This issue of equal taxation on slaves, with
every other species of property, is a most
formidable question. Tho great difficulty
is to carry our point, both East and West.
Tho East 1 think can bo scared a little, be-cause
they havo tho most negroes. We can
choke off and silence the West by threaten-ing
to withold furthor appropriations for
their works of Internal Improvement as the
Democratic Executive Committee did.
The Governor will have been elected, and
tho General Assembly will not be in session
before the Presidential election, so that the
influence of State issues—questions of States
rights, and State policy can't in fact affect
federal politics. We must however, blow
cuffee's horns long and loud—constantly and
continuously. Slavery is in fact no party in-stitution.
It has been fixed by the laws ol
Nature—by the Constitution of_ tho United
States, by the Supreme Uourt,and is not an
open question any whore. In North Caro-lina
and in all tho Southern Slates, it is a
part of our local and domestic policy. It
really and truly is adesecration of the rights
of a sovereign and nlave State, to be bandying
about fixed and settled principles, upon the
unhallowed lips of demagogues and partis-ans,
merely to get votes for federal officers.
The old doctrines of federalism and repub-licanism,
aro here entirely changed. The
republican party thought that tho rights of
tho States should be respected first, and we
havo roversed the order of things. We have
made our Govornment a practical federal
consolidation by moulding every thing by
tho operations of the Whito House, and the
federal Congress. This is wrong. Mr. Hol-dcn,
I was born on tho banks of the Yadkin,
within a quarter or half a mile of the spot
whero tho Regulators met Gen. Haddell.and
compelled Mm to raturn to the town of Salis-bury.
The Regulators wore tho friends ol
equal, just and lawful taxation on every sort
of property, negroes and all. (Holder)) you
aro right, Mr. Ellis, in your history of the
times, and tho principles which ushered in
the Revolutions, but wo have fallen upon
other—modern and new times, built upon
platforms made by Conventions, associations,
cliques and parties, that tho people bavt
nothing to do with in their sovereign capaci-ty.
This trickering, maneuvering and Lum
buggery, mado you Governor and made me
the printer for the party that elected you.
You have been made a great man, and I have
been made fat by ty-ty-type setting for you.
I ought to have been Governor or Senator
myself, but the stars were not prepitious. 1
must abide my time, and (remember Ellis ,
when you get to be Senator, or President,
if I can't get one of the high and honorable
appointments, I shall expect a fat land office.
or to bo sent to some Foreign Court. CEllis)
yes, yes, I see how it i»—we mutt pull to-gether.
Old Rip, or Uncle Sam must pay us.
(Exit Holden.)
(Enter Walser of Davidson in haste, and
much excited.) Governor Ellis. How docs it
happen that you who were born in old Row-an,
the mamouth county of the West,
which for long years, together with Orange,
Lincoln and every true republicans and dem-ocrats
in the State, labored so hard for oqual
quarter of section of land, to each will com-mand
the whole vote. We shall have Kng-lish,
Scotch, Irish, French, Poles, Austrians,
Hungarians, all the emmigrauts from Eu-rope,
Asia and Japan. Aye wo must presa ■•
Africa into service too. How is this to bo .
done? We must mako the slaveholders in
the Southern States believe—that we
are the great National nigger party—that
every Southern slaveholder who belongs to
any other party or who does not desert his
principles, and como over to us is an aboli-tionist,
and intends to steal our negroes
In North Carolina wc have t;ut theiu on the
hips. Wo have *et up the non-slaveholder
representation, should now desert tlie prin-ciples
ol your fathers, and go against equal
taxation? I helped to make you Judge be-cause
I thoughtyou wcroa promising young
man. Will you now for tho sake of office
pander to tho wretched sectional and false
position of your part)-, and lend a helping
hand to overthrow the great principles of
Repubican liberty, and equality' (fiills)
How do you expect to bring about this great
representation, and what > hanges dk> you ex-pect
to make in the Constitution '! ( Walser").
Simply by calling a Convention of tho
good and wisest men ol State. | imt the
political whipsters and party tricktersin tho
General Assembly.)
1 want every body to vote alike, to pay
alike—to hold office alike—to be protected,
la person and property alike. This can bo
lone by writing a few sentences of plain
English upon the face of the Constitution.—
The law can thus bo protected—the ftluves
protected; in a word, all the products of ag-riculture,
manufactures and commerce pro-tected.
This is the onl}- course that will ■
satisfy the people. You can't tie up the
haudsol freemen, and force them to do what
you think is right. They must be lett Irce,
to judge for themselves. You may lead, I ut
you can't drive them. If you want tho iaalf-tion
ol domestic slavery protected and that
valuable species of property used, and enjoy-ed
by our people, you must set it down as
property, let it be taxed and represented like
all other property, and yo:. may if you
choose, secure the tenure of it, by ordinance
of the Constitution. This is a plain com-mon
sense view ot tho matter, and founded
in the deep motives of human action, and
the deepest fundamental principles of our
State Govern meut. ^ Ellis) You reason well,
Walser, but 1 am commiltVd to the great
national democratic part} , and North Caro-lina
must take caro of herself. (Walser)
She will take care of herself in August next,
mark that. (Exit Walser. i
■TATS TIM:<-HiviNi•(■ nil HI Is.'iH-'■,''.
I.siid worth $1000
Stavaa, •• " — *"
While poIU *'
Stud horaea tad Jtoka C.IHI
linen-' M tlOOU I"
tin Mocks d" -.40
Soic sli:ivn> from $6.40lo in.40
Negrs trades, on £1000 5.00
Carriages; '• S1000 10,00
Watehea "$1000 10.00
Dirks, I'i-t'iK. (to., each 1.86
SalariM$lOt0 20.60
Retailtra, and liquor $1000 BO.OO
Cireui Uden 7&.00
Siajra- BtsrsN '-'".00
Siogen rO.OO
[BSUTUIMM CotapaBiea inn IMI
Baal agamaas onl of th.- Slate .VHt.OO
Broken 300.00
Livery Btablai •_!•..no
BaDan .>f riding ronielea $1000 10.00
Auctioneer- IOIOO
Non-roaidonl do. 50.00
Men li::lil- 5.00
Clothing 15.00
Paten) Medicine* 100.00
Pedlar* : I0..00
Lightning Bods K».O0
Uvpsle* 100.00
Poor lawyers, for Ueeam 16.00
It his "alary or peosu he $500 li*» par* '».W
If SillHMI '. 10.00
n $3000 20.00
i PI ■ r. [AXl -.
iir. siooo, $8.on "..'«>
•• •• 7" I M
-....•• 70 1.00
No tax for <ourity porpo ' on land
and [lolls. The people will sec In re, .'•. beau-tiful
specimen ol justice and equality in tax»
iug them. They will bear in mind that about
$660,000 is OOfleeted OOt of then: to pay tho
State dcr>t and her current expi They
will remember furthermore, that marly tho
same sum, -a;. ■† is imposed by tho
County Courts, and collected for COWBtj* pur-
DOSOS. I he Male |a 0 i* paid
principally 1^ 'and, poll", interest on money
and stocks, and on merchant-. The other
articles mentioned in the tlrst column make
up the balance.
The county tax is paid by land and polls,
that is, by land and by the head-, ol white
men and slaves, as follows, viz: Land pays
3 times as much as slaves nnd twice aa much
as money at interest, and stock Liquor
:')2 times as nnnh a« slaves, and •"'. times as
much as money.
It is agreed by Mr. Hitywood .i Co., (the
Democratic Executive Committee | that ne-groes
wear out, and a portion of their taxes
ought to be retaitied by the owners to buy
others. I give you here the products of land,
slaves, money, ftc
Every body knows that 'lie net prodao^i
Of land in North Carolina, will not leach 3
percent Every body Know- that mooey
will not yield*) percent. Every body knows
that slaves aro worth H to 10 per ten! Eve-ryhody
knows that land will wear out in 20
or 30 years. And everybody knows that a
crop of young negroes is the most valuable
crop that can be grown. Money sometimes,
takes to itself wings and tlies away too. I
leave these things to be thought of by tho
good people of North Carolina, as a whole
and undivided Sta'.c. COMMON SENSE.